1. 加分及減分制,在機中的某處加入可轉動的扇葉,
2. 下面有孔,球經過時會趺進去,加減分,或扣一個球。
3. 通常波子機是用地心吸力來令波子向由玩家負責控制的活門方向移動
一般來說,XYZ的磁場強度可由玩家決定,但亦可以隨機決定,
註: 1和3不可以同時用。
2008年12月27日 星期六
彈珠機可以加的主意
彈珠機可以加的主意:
1. 加分及減分制,在機中的某處加入可轉動的扇葉,被擊中時可以順時針轉(加分),或逆時針轉(減分);又或者是相反,甚至是隨機,例如可以亮紅/錄燈,紅燈時順時針轉是加分,逆時針轉時是減分;而綠燈時逆時針轉會加分,順時針轉會減分。如果分數趺至零甚至是負即「Game Over」,如此一來遊戲的變化較多。
(應可用簡單的電子線路做成,可轉動的磁加結合微型發電機,逆時針轉時正電壓;逆時針轉負電壓,用偵測電壓線路來決定是加減分;紅綠燈則是隨機決定電壓,然後再和正負電壓作邏緝運算,如兩者正或負則加分,兩者不同則減分。)
2. 下面有孔,球經過時會趺進去,加減分,或扣一個球。
3. 通常波子機是用地心吸力來令波子向由玩家負責控制的活門方向移動,用彈簧作波子向上活動的力量來源。但如果波子用鐵,即受磁場影響之物料來造,而波子機是平躺的,換句話說,波子不是由本身的重量主導運動方向。而是由波子機廂旁的XYZ方向放置的電磁石的電流強度來決定,由磁場來代替以前地心吸力場的作用,玩家如果想波子「輕」一點,甚至像「air hockey」般無摩擦力自由浮動,只要把Z軸的磁場扭為負數,於是波子被磁力吸起,四處飄浮,彈力極強。(如果嫌上下的電磁線圈太礙眼,可以用磁石做波子,上南下北,但波子機廂的高度不足夠它翻轉。);同理,左右/前後亦可用電磁石的電流強度來決定(即改變左右的「重量」,前後的「重量」)。如此是我稱為偏(激)波子遊戲,如果波子夠輕的話,左右/前後磁場又相差無幾的話,就可以令波子的活動千變萬化,展現「deterministic chaos」的風采。
一般來說,XYZ的磁場強度可由玩家決定,但亦可以隨機決定,例如每局都保持同一左右、前後、上下的磁場平衡,或者左右、前後、上下的磁場隨機變化,又或者是由玩家的波子打中波子機的位置來決定,如A位置順時針轉則加強左方的磁力,B位置逆時針轉則加強下方的磁力,C位置順時針轉則加前方的磁力,如此類推,即用家當時的行為可即時改變遊戲的環境參數,令遊戲變化多端,百玩不厭。
註: 1和3不可以同時用。
1. 加分及減分制,在機中的某處加入可轉動的扇葉,
2. 下面有孔,球經過時會趺進去,加減分,或扣一個球。
3. 通常波子機是用地心吸力來令波子向由玩家負責控制的活門方向移動
一般來說,XYZ的磁場強度可由玩家決定,但亦可以隨機決定,
註: 1和3不可以同時用。
2008年12月20日 星期六
寫給別人卻是給冰漓的情書
冰漓,
世事莫若荒謬成如此!
2007年7月1日我又做錯了一個選擇,我寧要社會正義,政治長途,不理自己的愛 情,今天的苦來自當日的不智,我以為理智壓抑感情/慾望才是理智,所以今日應受此報,當日如果我不是衝動一點,當和冰漓有「天旋地戀」的感覺時,為什麼不 當下就決定,找到了此生所愛,其他的一切事業都可以放棄呢?原來有時理智反而是最大的不智,衝動反而是最大的智慧!
我時常想像,當日我是有個衝動,想即時提出和冰漓上床(對你我同樣壓制了此等「無理」要求),為什麼以前有勇氣去殉情,今時卻沒有勇氣去盡地一煲呢?
我 可以想像,她和我當時有同一個感覺,其實這震撼感覺是來自她而不是我,她的潛意識亦知道是找對了人,如果我當時提出,或者可 能和同樣是反基中人的男朋友記者打架,她或者會保護將來的另一半,而七一反基遊行因此成了頭條,是「反基爭女內訌,男領隊中途走人」。然後,不理世界怎 看,泛民主派怎看,明光社怎看,我和她在床上大戰三百回合,如此就是定情,是一生難忘的日子,七一以後都成為我們的愛情記念日,她永會記得是我的勇氣和犧 牲。
之後我倆在香港再不可以生存,因此成為反基和明光社的共同攻擊對象,亦背叛了一衆好友,我的政治理想,所以非離開香港不可。我當時當然是有冰漓萬事足,比中學更加「有異性無人性」,懶理世人。
懶 理歸懶理,頭腦還是清醒的,因為有冰漓,她可以和我同渡一切的難關,所以她會和我同心去發展我的發明事業,想像一下,在父母的不理解不支持下,我一個月可 以提出600個發明主意,如果得到最需要的人的認同,士氣之高 會是難以想像;再者,我和冰漓都是聰明,知識豐富且有創意的人,她的心如果向我,則我倆的前途無可限量。於是,在她協助之下,我的發明事業有了突破,在 600多個主意,其中一個有人投資1500萬,她和我一同去談判,一同去簽字,我會用「我未來的妻子」來介紹她,她一定是一個可以比我更進一步的人,不是 一個事事反過來要我幫助的人,我愛她更需要她,她愛我更需要我,如此才是完美的愛情。
有了這一筆錢,我會留一部份給父母,因為他們要忍受 我達30年之久,無功亦有勞;另一部份我會用作冰漓留美的學費,為她申請美國一間大學,美國不同香港,只要通過入學試,則不理你是12歲還是60歲,都可 以和其他同學一定讀書。最大的問題是花多眼亂,她不知自己最想讀的是什麼主修科目,其實並不重要,因為美國有人是以通識畢業的,只要你付得起錢,讀十 年八年又何妨?不過,我不淮她如此無限期拖延我倆的婚期,兩年之後,在她2008年生日,我們註冊結婚,不會在教堂舉行,我不需要不存在的神的祝福,不要 一紙空文。基本法可以再三由「詮釋」來歪曲它的原意,我對她的心,因我當時不是政客,絕對對行將就木的香港特區政府可靠,起碼我是堂堂男兒漢,大丈夫!
另 一件花多眼亂的事卻是美國太多箸名大學,心理分析學派都有好幾派原產美國,芝加哥有ego psychology,另外是Carl Roger的Humanist,僻一點可以找全形心理學(Gestalt psychology),對平面設計情有獨鐘的她,是太大的誘惑,我建議是:不如先讀完大學心理系 畢業才決定。她如果未曾畢業,我會覺得她未夠火侯,未可以成為我的妻子。她大學心理系畢業,則我和她在智力,知識,性情(以至性癖好)都是門當戶對,不結 合是違反天理。
我發明的範圍很廣,我最想見到發展的是棋,但世界最需要卻是能源,無論600件的任何一件,1500萬都是物有所值,你知不知UNO現在的市值多少?UNO最初不外乎都是一個被人嘲笑的意念而已,但發明者堅持到底,以驚人的意志力克服一切難關,改寫世界的歷史,有我最愛的人 支找我,有什麼事不可為?所以1500萬是低估,不是高估,絕對合理。在美國,1500萬夠讀10年的書,還有剩!
發展棋,我和冰漓會比較安全,不會有人燒我們的房子,但是不置產的我只會在世界知識首都:柏克萊大學附近租一所房子,其實比起加洲,算是相當便宜,而且相當環保,一切用電,沒有煤氣,合乎我原則。我的發明不用在香港親 自做,可以找另一位來合作,我和他則透過Skype/Gizmo在互聯網上合作,不過美國的寬頻就是又貴又慢,而且時間和香港日夜倒轉,晚上,她辛苦讀完 了一天書回來(因我要她在兩年內完成四年的課程,即120小時,不放署/寒假,照讀可也的話,一星期大約要讀30小時,假設是署/寒假都有她需要讀的課 程,因為不少教授於這時是和家人一家團聚的!),或者是我和她共同研究一整天的學問,晚上我們該有另一類的娛樂,通宵達旦,用肉體去體驗什麼叫人間天堂, 思考可以放一放假,回歸人類的天然本性,和自然融為一體,盡情放縱。
晚上因此是鐵定不理任何其他事了,第二人因為我不用早起床,而女性在事後是會更精神百部的,所以夜夜尋歡無傷她的學業。其實我不少發明都已經有藍圖,剩下的只要有人投資,我要做的事其實不多,所以她讀書時我可以和她「一同」讀 書,反正心理學的理論是年年更新的,當然,以她的智力,大學的課程是小兒科,不是爸中風的話我要在研究院畢業有何難,她也一樣。她的智力使我日夜為她瘋 狂!為愛瘋狂,有何不可?誰說瘋子不可以另創一番事業?誰說男人一定要先事業後愛情?「先事業後愛情」是不是易經寫的?「先事業後愛情」是不是莊子說的? 它有什麼依據?這是哪門兒的理性?白痴理性?還是理性反智?
晚上是不理任何事,星期六/日就絕對不理任何事了,但不要把我當成超級色鬼,星期六/日可以去看一看電影,辦一星期的雜貨,學習一下如何烹調食物,反正以前在美國的時侯都是兼職煮食的,我亦應該讓我的未來妻子學習一下如何用食 物來取悅我,不單是她的身體,營養亦要好好補充,不然好容易虧的!
如此的日子,過二年,於2008年12月1日,即她19歲生日回香港結婚,然後在各國遊歷,以專利費來生活,做一對最快樂的浪子!這是十世難以修得的好福氣!
可惜我浪費了上天的大好姻緣,只懂反基,只懂理性,只懂政治。如今世局日亂,未日之局已成,就算是發明成功,還怎樣有心情時間去遊歷呢?沒有愛情,要錢來做什麼?要權力來什麼?
冰漓,再給我一次機會好不好?
世事莫若荒謬成如此!
2007年7月1日我又做錯了一個選擇,我寧要社會正義,政治長途,不理自己的愛 情,今天的苦來自當日的不智,我以為理智壓抑感情/慾望才是理智,所以今日應受此報,當日如果我不是衝動一點,當和冰漓有「天旋地戀」的感覺時,為什麼不 當下就決定,找到了此生所愛,其他的一切事業都可以放棄呢?原來有時理智反而是最大的不智,衝動反而是最大的智慧!
我時常想像,當日我是有個衝動,想即時提出和冰漓上床(對你我同樣壓制了此等「無理」要求),為什麼以前有勇氣去殉情,今時卻沒有勇氣去盡地一煲呢?
我 可以想像,她和我當時有同一個感覺,其實這震撼感覺是來自她而不是我,她的潛意識亦知道是找對了人,如果我當時提出,或者可 能和同樣是反基中人的男朋友記者打架,她或者會保護將來的另一半,而七一反基遊行因此成了頭條,是「反基爭女內訌,男領隊中途走人」。然後,不理世界怎 看,泛民主派怎看,明光社怎看,我和她在床上大戰三百回合,如此就是定情,是一生難忘的日子,七一以後都成為我們的愛情記念日,她永會記得是我的勇氣和犧 牲。
之後我倆在香港再不可以生存,因此成為反基和明光社的共同攻擊對象,亦背叛了一衆好友,我的政治理想,所以非離開香港不可。我當時當然是有冰漓萬事足,比中學更加「有異性無人性」,懶理世人。
懶 理歸懶理,頭腦還是清醒的,因為有冰漓,她可以和我同渡一切的難關,所以她會和我同心去發展我的發明事業,想像一下,在父母的不理解不支持下,我一個月可 以提出600個發明主意,如果得到最需要的人的認同,士氣之高 會是難以想像;再者,我和冰漓都是聰明,知識豐富且有創意的人,她的心如果向我,則我倆的前途無可限量。於是,在她協助之下,我的發明事業有了突破,在 600多個主意,其中一個有人投資1500萬,她和我一同去談判,一同去簽字,我會用「我未來的妻子」來介紹她,她一定是一個可以比我更進一步的人,不是 一個事事反過來要我幫助的人,我愛她更需要她,她愛我更需要我,如此才是完美的愛情。
有了這一筆錢,我會留一部份給父母,因為他們要忍受 我達30年之久,無功亦有勞;另一部份我會用作冰漓留美的學費,為她申請美國一間大學,美國不同香港,只要通過入學試,則不理你是12歲還是60歲,都可 以和其他同學一定讀書。最大的問題是花多眼亂,她不知自己最想讀的是什麼主修科目,其實並不重要,因為美國有人是以通識畢業的,只要你付得起錢,讀十 年八年又何妨?不過,我不淮她如此無限期拖延我倆的婚期,兩年之後,在她2008年生日,我們註冊結婚,不會在教堂舉行,我不需要不存在的神的祝福,不要 一紙空文。基本法可以再三由「詮釋」來歪曲它的原意,我對她的心,因我當時不是政客,絕對對行將就木的香港特區政府可靠,起碼我是堂堂男兒漢,大丈夫!
另 一件花多眼亂的事卻是美國太多箸名大學,心理分析學派都有好幾派原產美國,芝加哥有ego psychology,另外是Carl Roger的Humanist,僻一點可以找全形心理學(Gestalt psychology),對平面設計情有獨鐘的她,是太大的誘惑,我建議是:不如先讀完大學心理系 畢業才決定。她如果未曾畢業,我會覺得她未夠火侯,未可以成為我的妻子。她大學心理系畢業,則我和她在智力,知識,性情(以至性癖好)都是門當戶對,不結 合是違反天理。
我發明的範圍很廣,我最想見到發展的是棋,但世界最需要卻是能源,無論600件的任何一件,1500萬都是物有所值,你知不知UNO現在的市值多少?UNO最初不外乎都是一個被人嘲笑的意念而已,但發明者堅持到底,以驚人的意志力克服一切難關,改寫世界的歷史,有我最愛的人 支找我,有什麼事不可為?所以1500萬是低估,不是高估,絕對合理。在美國,1500萬夠讀10年的書,還有剩!
發展棋,我和冰漓會比較安全,不會有人燒我們的房子,但是不置產的我只會在世界知識首都:柏克萊大學附近租一所房子,其實比起加洲,算是相當便宜,而且相當環保,一切用電,沒有煤氣,合乎我原則。我的發明不用在香港親 自做,可以找另一位來合作,我和他則透過Skype/Gizmo在互聯網上合作,不過美國的寬頻就是又貴又慢,而且時間和香港日夜倒轉,晚上,她辛苦讀完 了一天書回來(因我要她在兩年內完成四年的課程,即120小時,不放署/寒假,照讀可也的話,一星期大約要讀30小時,假設是署/寒假都有她需要讀的課 程,因為不少教授於這時是和家人一家團聚的!),或者是我和她共同研究一整天的學問,晚上我們該有另一類的娛樂,通宵達旦,用肉體去體驗什麼叫人間天堂, 思考可以放一放假,回歸人類的天然本性,和自然融為一體,盡情放縱。
晚上因此是鐵定不理任何其他事了,第二人因為我不用早起床,而女性在事後是會更精神百部的,所以夜夜尋歡無傷她的學業。其實我不少發明都已經有藍圖,剩下的只要有人投資,我要做的事其實不多,所以她讀書時我可以和她「一同」讀 書,反正心理學的理論是年年更新的,當然,以她的智力,大學的課程是小兒科,不是爸中風的話我要在研究院畢業有何難,她也一樣。她的智力使我日夜為她瘋 狂!為愛瘋狂,有何不可?誰說瘋子不可以另創一番事業?誰說男人一定要先事業後愛情?「先事業後愛情」是不是易經寫的?「先事業後愛情」是不是莊子說的? 它有什麼依據?這是哪門兒的理性?白痴理性?還是理性反智?
晚上是不理任何事,星期六/日就絕對不理任何事了,但不要把我當成超級色鬼,星期六/日可以去看一看電影,辦一星期的雜貨,學習一下如何烹調食物,反正以前在美國的時侯都是兼職煮食的,我亦應該讓我的未來妻子學習一下如何用食 物來取悅我,不單是她的身體,營養亦要好好補充,不然好容易虧的!
如此的日子,過二年,於2008年12月1日,即她19歲生日回香港結婚,然後在各國遊歷,以專利費來生活,做一對最快樂的浪子!這是十世難以修得的好福氣!
可惜我浪費了上天的大好姻緣,只懂反基,只懂理性,只懂政治。如今世局日亂,未日之局已成,就算是發明成功,還怎樣有心情時間去遊歷呢?沒有愛情,要錢來做什麼?要權力來什麼?
冰漓,再給我一次機會好不好?
Charter 08 (English Version)
Translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.
—The Editors
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry Link
Frederick Douglass Book Prize Announcement
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering non-government groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculum and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
The following text of Charter 08, signed by hundreds of Chinese intellectuals and translated and introduced by Perry Link, Professor of Chinese Literature at the University of California, Riverside, will be published in the issue of The New York Review dated January 15, which goes on sale on January 2.
—The Editors
The document below, signed by over three hundred prominent Chinese citizens, was conceived and written in conscious admiration of the founding of Charter 77 in Czechoslovakia, where, in January 1977, more than two hundred Czech and Slovak intellectuals formed a
loose, informal, and open association of people... united by the will to strive individually and collectively for respect for human and civil rights in our country and throughout the world.
The Chinese document calls not for ameliorative reform of the current political system but for an end to some of its essential features, including one-party rule, and their replacement with a system based on human rights and democracy.
The prominent citizens who have signed the document are from both outside and inside the government, and include not only well-known dissidents and intellectuals, but also middle-level officials and rural leaders. They have chosen December 10, the anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as the day on which to express their political ideas and to outline their vision of a constitutional, democratic China. They intend “Charter 08” to serve as a blueprint for fundamental political change in China in the years to come. The signers of the document will form an informal group, open-ended in size but united by a determination to promote democratization and protection of human rights in China and beyond.
On December 8 two prominent signers of the Charter, Zhang Zuhua and Liu Xiaobo, were detained by the police. Zhang Zuhua has since been released; as of December 9, Liu Xiabo remains in custody.
—Perry Link
Frederick Douglass Book Prize Announcement
I. Foreword
A hundred years have passed since the writing of China’s first constitution. 2008 also marks the sixtieth anniversary of the promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the thirtieth anniversary of the appearance of Democracy Wall in Beijing, and the tenth of China’s signing of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. We are approaching the twentieth anniversary of the 1989 Tiananmen massacre of pro-democracy student protesters. The Chinese people, who have endured human rights disasters and uncountable struggles across these same years, now include many who see clearly that freedom, equality, and human rights are universal values of humankind and that democracy and constitutional government are the fundamental framework for protecting these values.
By departing from these values, the Chinese government’s approach to “modernization” has proven disastrous. It has stripped people of their rights, destroyed their dignity, and corrupted normal human intercourse. So we ask: Where is China headed in the twenty-first century? Will it continue with “modernization” under authoritarian rule, or will it embrace universal human values, join the mainstream of civilized nations, and build a democratic system? There can be no avoiding these questions.
The shock of the Western impact upon China in the nineteenth century laid bare a decadent authoritarian system and marked the beginning of what is often called “the greatest changes in thousands of years” for China. A “self-strengthening movement” followed, but this aimed simply at appropriating the technology to build gunboats and other Western material objects. China’s humiliating naval defeat at the hands of Japan in 1895 only confirmed the obsolescence of China’s system of government. The first attempts at modern political change came with the ill-fated summer of reforms in 1898, but these were cruelly crushed by ultraconservatives at China’s imperial court. With the revolution of 1911, which inaugurated Asia’s first republic, the authoritarian imperial system that had lasted for centuries was finally supposed to have been laid to rest. But social conflict inside our country and external pressures were to prevent it; China fell into a patchwork of warlord fiefdoms and the new republic became a fleeting dream.
The failure of both “self-strengthening” and political renovation caused many of our forebears to reflect deeply on whether a “cultural illness” was afflicting our country. This mood gave rise, during the May Fourth Movement of the late 1910s, to the championing of “science and democracy.” Yet that effort, too, foundered as warlord chaos persisted and the Japanese invasion [beginning in Manchuria in 1931] brought national crisis.
Victory over Japan in 1945 offered one more chance for China to move toward modern government, but the Communist defeat of the Nationalists in the civil war thrust the nation into the abyss of totalitarianism. The “new China” that emerged in 1949 proclaimed that “the people are sovereign” but in fact set up a system in which “the Party is all-powerful.” The Communist Party of China seized control of all organs of the state and all political, economic, and social resources, and, using these, has produced a long trail of human rights disasters, including, among many others, the Anti-Rightist Campaign (1957), the Great Leap Forward (1958–1960), the Cultural Revolution (1966–1969), the June Fourth (Tiananmen Square) Massacre (1989), and the current repression of all unauthorized religions and the suppression of the weiquan rights movement [a movement that aims to defend citizens’ rights promulgated in the Chinese Constitution and to fight for human rights recognized by international conventions that the Chinese government has signed]. During all this, the Chinese people have paid a gargantuan price. Tens of millions have lost their lives, and several generations have seen their freedom, their happiness, and their human dignity cruelly trampled.
During the last two decades of the twentieth century the government policy of “Reform and Opening” gave the Chinese people relief from the pervasive poverty and totalitarianism of the Mao Zedong era and brought substantial increases in the wealth and living standards of many Chinese as well as a partial restoration of economic freedom and economic rights. Civil society began to grow, and popular calls for more rights and more political freedom have grown apace. As the ruling elite itself moved toward private ownership and the market economy, it began to shift from an outright rejection of “rights” to a partial acknowledgment of them.
In 1998 the Chinese government signed two important international human rights conventions; in 2004 it amended its constitution to include the phrase “respect and protect human rights”; and this year, 2008, it has promised to promote a “national human rights action plan.” Unfortunately most of this political progress has extended no further than the paper on which it is written. The political reality, which is plain for anyone to see, is that China has many laws but no rule of law; it has a constitution but no constitutional government. The ruling elite continues to cling to its authoritarian power and fights off any move toward political change.
The stultifying results are endemic official corruption, an undermining of the rule of law, weak human rights, decay in public ethics, crony capitalism, growing inequality between the wealthy and the poor, pillage of the natural environment as well as of the human and historical environments, and the exacerbation of a long list of social conflicts, especially, in recent times, a sharpening animosity between officials and ordinary people.
As these conflicts and crises grow ever more intense, and as the ruling elite continues with impunity to crush and to strip away the rights of citizens to freedom, to property, and to the pursuit of happiness, we see the powerless in our society—the vulnerable groups, the people who have been suppressed and monitored, who have suffered cruelty and even torture, and who have had no adequate avenues for their protests, no courts to hear their pleas—becoming more militant and raising the possibility of a violent conflict of disastrous proportions. The decline of the current system has reached the point where change is no longer optional.
II. Our Fundamental Principles
This is a historic moment for China, and our future hangs in the balance. In reviewing the political modernization process of the past hundred years or more, we reiterate and endorse basic universal values as follows:
Freedom. Freedom is at the core of universal human values. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom in where to live, and the freedoms to strike, to demonstrate, and to protest, among others, are the forms that freedom takes. Without freedom, China will always remain far from civilized ideals.
Human rights. Human rights are not bestowed by a state. Every person is born with inherent rights to dignity and freedom. The government exists for the protection of the human rights of its citizens. The exercise of state power must be authorized by the people. The succession of political disasters in China’s recent history is a direct consequence of the ruling regime’s disregard for human rights.
Equality. The integrity, dignity, and freedom of every person—regardless of social station, occupation, sex, economic condition, ethnicity, skin color, religion, or political belief—are the same as those of any other. Principles of equality before the law and equality of social, economic, cultural, civil, and political rights must be upheld.
Republicanism. Republicanism, which holds that power should be balanced among different branches of government and competing interests should be served, resembles the traditional Chinese political ideal of “fairness in all under heaven.” It allows different interest groups and social assemblies, and people with a variety of cultures and beliefs, to exercise democratic self-government and to deliberate in order to reach peaceful resolution of public questions on a basis of equal access to government and free and fair competition.
Democracy. The most fundamental principles of democracy are that the people are sovereign and the people select their government. Democracy has these characteristics:
(1) Political power begins with the people and the legitimacy of a regime derives from the people.
(2) Political power is exercised through choices that the people make.
(3) The holders of major official posts in government at all levels are determined through periodic competitive elections.
(4) While honoring the will of the majority, the fundamental dignity, freedom, and human rights of minorities are protected. In short, democracy is a modern means for achieving government truly “of the people, by the people, and for the people.”
Constitutional rule. Constitutional rule is rule through a legal system and legal regulations to implement principles that are spelled out in a constitution. It means protecting the freedom and the rights of citizens, limiting and defining the scope of legitimate government power, and providing the administrative apparatus necessary to serve these ends.
III. What We Advocate
Authoritarianism is in general decline throughout the world; in China, too, the era of emperors and overlords is on the way out. The time is arriving everywhere for citizens to be masters of states. For China the path that leads out of our current predicament is to divest ourselves of the authoritarian notion of reliance on an “enlightened overlord” or an “honest official” and to turn instead toward a system of liberties, democracy, and the rule of law, and toward fostering the consciousness of modern citizens who see rights as fundamental and participation as a duty. Accordingly, and in a spirit of this duty as responsible and constructive citizens, we offer the following recommendations on national governance, citizens’ rights, and social development:
1. A New Constitution. We should recast our present constitution, rescinding its provisions that contradict the principle that sovereignty resides with the people and turning it into a document that genuinely guarantees human rights, authorizes the exercise of public power, and serves as the legal underpinning of China’s democratization. The constitution must be the highest law in the land, beyond violation by any individual, group, or political party.
2. Separation of powers. We should construct a modern government in which the separation of legislative, judicial, and executive power is guaranteed. We need an Administrative Law that defines the scope of government responsibility and prevents abuse of administrative power. Government should be responsible to taxpayers. Division of power between provincial governments and the central government should adhere to the principle that central powers are only those specifically granted by the constitution and all other powers belong to the local governments.
3. Legislative democracy. Members of legislative bodies at all levels should be chosen by direct election, and legislative democracy should observe just and impartial principles.
4. An Independent Judiciary. The rule of law must be above the interests of any particular political party and judges must be independent. We need to establish a constitutional supreme court and institute procedures for constitutional review. As soon as possible, we should abolish all of the Committees on Political and Legal Affairs that now allow Communist Party officials at every level to decide politically-sensitive cases in advance and out of court. We should strictly forbid the use of public offices for private purposes.
5. Public Control of Public Servants. The military should be made answerable to the national government, not to a political party, and should be made more professional. Military personnel should swear allegiance to the constitution and remain nonpartisan. Political party organizations shall be prohibited in the military. All public officials including police should serve as nonpartisans, and the current practice of favoring one political party in the hiring of public servants must end.
6. Guarantee of Human Rights. There shall be strict guarantees of human rights and respect for human dignity. There should be a Human Rights Committee, responsible to the highest legislative body, that will prevent the government from abusing public power in violation of human rights. A democratic and constitutional China especially must guarantee the personal freedom of citizens. No one shall suffer illegal arrest, detention, arraignment, interrogation, or punishment. The system of “Reeducation through Labor” must be abolished.
7. Election of Public Officials. There shall be a comprehensive system of democratic elections based on “one person, one vote.” The direct election of administrative heads at the levels of county, city, province, and nation should be systematically implemented. The rights to hold periodic free elections and to participate in them as a citizen are inalienable.
8. Rural–Urban Equality. The two-tier household registry system must be abolished. This system favors urban residents and harms rural residents. We should establish instead a system that gives every citizen the same constitutional rights and the same freedom to choose where to live.
9. Freedom to Form Groups. The right of citizens to form groups must be guaranteed. The current system for registering non-government groups, which requires a group to be “approved,” should be replaced by a system in which a group simply registers itself. The formation of political parties should be governed by the constitution and the laws, which means that we must abolish the special privilege of one party to monopolize power and must guarantee principles of free and fair competition among political parties.
10. Freedom to Assemble. The constitution provides that peaceful assembly, demonstration, protest, and freedom of expression are fundamental rights of a citizen. The ruling party and the government must not be permitted to subject these to illegal interference or unconstitutional obstruction.
11. Freedom of Expression. We should make freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and academic freedom universal, thereby guaranteeing that citizens can be informed and can exercise their right of political supervision. These freedoms should be upheld by a Press Law that abolishes political restrictions on the press. The provision in the current Criminal Law that refers to “the crime of incitement to subvert state power” must be abolished. We should end the practice of viewing words as crimes.
12. Freedom of Religion. We must guarantee freedom of religion and belief and institute a separation of religion and state. There must be no governmental interference in peaceful religious activities. We should abolish any laws, regulations, or local rules that limit or suppress the religious freedom of citizens. We should abolish the current system that requires religious groups (and their places of worship) to get official approval in advance and substitute for it a system in which registry is optional and, for those who choose to register, automatic.
13. Civic Education. In our schools we should abolish political curriculum and examinations that are designed to indoctrinate students in state ideology and to instill support for the rule of one party. We should replace them with civic education that advances universal values and citizens’ rights, fosters civic consciousness, and promotes civic virtues that serve society.
14. Protection of Private Property. We should establish and protect the right to private property and promote an economic system of free and fair markets. We should do away with government monopolies in commerce and industry and guarantee the freedom to start new enterprises. We should establish a Committee on State-Owned Property, reporting to the national legislature, that will monitor the transfer of state-owned enterprises to private ownership in a fair, competitive, and orderly manner. We should institute a land reform that promotes private ownership of land, guarantees the right to buy and sell land, and allows the true value of private property to be adequately reflected in the market.
15. Financial and Tax Reform. We should establish a democratically regulated and accountable system of public finance that ensures the protection of taxpayer rights and that operates through legal procedures. We need a system by which public revenues that belong to a certain level of government—central, provincial, county or local—are controlled at that level. We need major tax reform that will abolish any unfair taxes, simplify the tax system, and spread the tax burden fairly. Government officials should not be able to raise taxes, or institute new ones, without public deliberation and the approval of a democratic assembly. We should reform the ownership system in order to encourage competition among a wider variety of market participants.
16. Social Security. We should establish a fair and adequate social security system that covers all citizens and ensures basic access to education, health care, retirement security, and employment.
17. Protection of the Environment. We need to protect the natural environment and to promote development in a way that is sustainable and responsible to our descendents and to the rest of humanity. This means insisting that the state and its officials at all levels not only do what they must do to achieve these goals, but also accept the supervision and participation of non-governmental organizations.
18. A Federated Republic. A democratic China should seek to act as a responsible major power contributing toward peace and development in the Asian Pacific region by approaching others in a spirit of equality and fairness. In Hong Kong and Macao, we should support the freedoms that already exist. With respect to Taiwan, we should declare our commitment to the principles of freedom and democracy and then, negotiating as equals, and ready to compromise, seek a formula for peaceful unification. We should approach disputes in the national-minority areas of China with an open mind, seeking ways to find a workable framework within which all ethnic and religious groups can flourish. We should aim ultimately at a federation of democratic communities of China.
19. Truth in Reconciliation. We should restore the reputations of all people, including their family members, who suffered political stigma in the political campaigns of the past or who have been labeled as criminals because of their thought, speech, or faith. The state should pay reparations to these people. All political prisoners and prisoners of conscience must be released. There should be a Truth Investigation Commission charged with finding the facts about past injustices and atrocities, determining responsibility for them, upholding justice, and, on these bases, seeking social reconciliation.
China, as a major nation of the world, as one of five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, and as a member of the UN Council on Human Rights, should be contributing to peace for humankind and progress toward human rights. Unfortunately, we stand today as the only country among the major nations that remains mired in authoritarian politics. Our political system continues to produce human rights disasters and social crises, thereby not only constricting China’s own development but also limiting the progress of all of human civilization. This must change, truly it must. The democratization of Chinese politics can be put off no longer.
Accordingly, we dare to put civic spirit into practice by announcing Charter 08. We hope that our fellow citizens who feel a similar sense of crisis, responsibility, and mission, whether they are inside the government or not, and regardless of their social status, will set aside small differences to embrace the broad goals of this citizens’ movement. Together we can work for major changes in Chinese society and for the rapid establishment of a free, democratic, and constitutional country. We can bring to reality the goals and ideals that our people have incessantly been seeking for more than a hundred years, and can bring a brilliant new chapter to Chinese civilization.
—translated from the Chinese by Perry Link
轉載:零八宪章(简体中文版)
一、前言
今年是中国立宪百年，《世界人权宣言》公布60周年，“民主墙”诞生30周年，中国政府签署《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》10周年。在经历了长期的人权 灾难和艰难曲折的抗争历程之后，觉醒的中国公民日渐清楚地认识到，自由、平等、人权是人类共同的普世价值；民主、共和、宪政是现代政治的基本制度架构。抽 离了这些普世价值和基本政制架构的“现代化”，是剥夺人的权利、腐蚀人性、摧毁人的尊严的灾难过程。21世纪的中国将走向何方，是继续这种威权统治下的“ 现代化”，还是认同普世价值、融入主流文明、建立民主政体？这是一个不容回避的抉择。
19世纪中期的历史巨变，暴露了中国传统专制制度的 腐朽，揭开了中华大地上“数千年未有之大变局”的序幕。洋务运动追求器物层面的进良，甲午战败再次暴露了体制的过时；戊戌变法触及到制度层面的革新，终因 顽固派的残酷镇压而归于失败；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延续2000多年的皇权制度，建立了亚洲第一个共和国。囿于当时内忧外患的特定历史条件，共和政体只 是昙花一现，专制主义旋即卷土重来。器物模仿和制度更新的失败，推动国人深入到对文化病根的反思，遂有以“科学与民主”为旗帜的“五四”新文化运动，因内 战频仍和外敌入侵，中国政治民主化历程被迫中断。抗日战争胜利后的中国再次开启了宪政历程，然而国共内战的结果使中国陷入了现代极权主义的深渊。1949 年建立的“新中国”，名义上是“人民共和国”，实质上是“党天下”。执政党垄断了所有政治、经济和社会资源，制造了反右、大跃进、文革、六四、打压民间宗 教活动与维权运动等一系列人权灾难，致使数千万人失去生命，国民和国家都付出了极为惨重的代价。
二十世纪后期的“改革开放”，使中国摆脱 了毛泽东时代的普遍贫困和绝对极权，民间财富和民众生活水平有了大幅度提高，个人的经济自由和社会权利得到部分恢复，公民社会开始生长，民间对人权和政治 自由的呼声日益高涨。执政者也在进行走向市场化和私有化的经济改革的同时，开始了从拒绝人权到逐渐承认人权的转变。中国政府于1997年、1998年分别 签署了两个重要的国际人权公约，全国人大于2004年通过修宪把“尊重和保障人权”写进宪法，今年又承诺制订和推行《国家人权行动计划》。但是，这些政治 进步迄今为止大多停留在纸面上；有法律而无法治，有宪法而无宪政，仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系威权统治，排拒政治变革，由此导致官场 腐败，法治难立，人权不彰，道德沦丧，社会两极分化，经济畸形发展，自然环境和人文环境遭到双重破坏，公民的自由、财产和追求幸福的权利得不到制度化的保 障，各种社会矛盾不断积累，不满情绪持续高涨，特别是官民对立激化和群体事件激增，正在显示着灾难性的失控趋势，现行体制的落伍已经到了非改不可的地步。
二、我们的基本理念
当此决定中国未来命运的历史关头，有必要反思百年来的现代化历程，重申如下基本理念：
* 自由：自由是普世价值的核心之所在。言论、出版、信仰、集会、结社、迁徙、罢工和游行示威等权利都是自由的具体体现。自由不昌，则无现代文明可言。
* 人权：人权不是国家的赐予，而是每个人与生俱来就享有的权利。保障人权，既是政府的首要目标和公共权力合法性的基础，也是“以人为本”的内在要求。中国的历次政治灾难都与执政当局对人权的无视密切相关。人是国家的主体，国家服务于人民，政府为人民而存在。
* 平等：每一个个体的人，不论社会地位、职业、性别、经济状况、种族、肤色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊严、自由都是平等的。必须落实法律面前人人平等的原则，落实公民的社会、经济、文化、政治权利平等的原则。
* 共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分权制衡与利益平衡，就是多种利益成分、不同社会集团、多元文化与信仰追求的群体，在平等参与、公平竞争、共同议政的基础上，以和平的方式处理公共事务。
* 民主：最基本的涵义是主权在民和民选政府。
民主具有如下基本特点：
（1）政权的合法性来自人民，政治权力来源于人民；
（2）政治统治经过人民选择，
（3）公民享有真正的选举权，各级政府的主要政务官员必须通过定期的竞选产生。
（4）尊重多数人的决定，同时保护少数人的基本人权。
一句话，民主使政府成为“民有，民治，民享”的现代公器。
* 宪政：宪政是通过法律规定和法治来保障宪法确定的公民基本自由和权利的原则，限制并划定政府权力和行为的边界，并提供相应的制度设施。
在中国，帝国皇权的时代早已一去不复返了；在世界范围内，威权体制也日近黄昏；公民应该成为真正的国家主人。祛除依赖“明君”、“清官”的臣民意识，张扬权利为本、参与为责的公民意识，实践自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中国的根本出路。
三、我们的基本主张
藉此，我们本着负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下具体主张：
1. 修改宪法：根据前述价值理念修改宪法，删除现行宪法中不符合主权在民原则的条文，使宪法真正成为人权的保证书和公共权力的许可状，成为任何个人、团体和党派不得违反的可以实施的最高法律，为中国民主化奠定法权基础。
2. 分权制衡：构建分权制衡的现代政府，保证立法、司法、行政三权分立。确立法定行政和责任政府的原则，防止行政权力过分扩张；政府应对纳税人负责；在中央和地方之间建立分权与制衡制度，中央权力须由宪法明确界定授权，地方实行充分自治。
3. 立法民主：各级立法机构由直选产生，立法秉持公平正义原则，实行立法民主。
4. 司法独立：司法应超越党派、不受任何干预，实行司法独立，保障司法公正；设立宪法法院，建立违宪审查制度，维护宪法权威。尽早撤销严重危害国家法治的各级党的政法委员会，避免公器私用。
5. 公器公用：实现军队国家化，军人应效忠于宪法，效忠于国家，政党组织应从军队中退出，提高军队职业化水平。包括警察在内的所有公务员应保持政治中立。消除公务员录用的党派歧视，应不分党派平等录用。
6. 人权保障：切实保障人权，维护人的尊严。设立对最高民意机关负责的人权委员会，防止政府滥用公权侵犯人权，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、传讯、审问、处罚，废除劳动教养制度。
7. 公职选举：全面推行民主选举制度，落实一人一票的平等选举权。各级行政首长的直接选举应制度化地逐步推行。定期自由竞争选举和公民参选法定公共职务是不可剥夺的基本人权。
8. 城乡平等：废除现行的城乡二元户籍制度，落实公民一律平等的宪法权利，保障公民的自由迁徙权。
9. 结社自由：保障公民的结社自由权，将现行的社团登记审批制改为备案制。开放党禁，以宪法和法律规范政党行为，取消一党垄断执政特权，确立政党活动自由和公平竞争的原则，实现政党政治正常化和法制化。
10. 集会自由：和平集会、游行、示威和表达自由，是宪法规定的公民基本自由，不应受到执政党和政府的非法干预与违宪限制。
11. 言论自由：落实言论自由、出版自由和学术自由，保障公民的知情权和监督权。制订《新闻法》和《出版法》，开放报禁，废除现行《刑法》中的“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”条款，杜绝以言治罪。
12. 宗教自由：保障宗教自由与信仰自由，实行政教分离，宗教信仰活动不受政府干预。审查并撤销限制或剥夺公民宗教自由的行政法规、行政规章和地方性法规；禁止 以行政立法管理宗教活动。废除宗教团体（包括宗教活动场所）必经登记始获合法地位的事先许可制度，代之以无须任何审查的备案制。
13. 公民教育：取消服务于一党统治、带有浓厚意识形态色彩的政治教育与政治考试，推广以普世价值和公民权利为本的公民教育，确立公民意识，倡导服务社会的公民美德。
14. 财产保护：确立和保护私有财产权利，实行自由、开放的市场经济制度，保障创业自由，消除行政垄断；设立对最高民意机关负责的国有资产管理委员会，合法有序 地展开产权改革，明晰产权归属和责任者；开展新土地运动，推进土地私有化，切实保障公民尤其是农民的土地所有权。
15. 财税改革：确立民主财政和保障纳税人的权利。建立权责明确的公共财政制度构架和运行机制，建立各级政府合理有效的财政分权体系；对赋税制度进行重大改革， 以降低税率、简化税制、公平税负。非经社会公共选择过程，民意机关决议，行政部门不得随意加税、开征新税。通过产权改革，引进多元市场主体和竞争机制，降 低金融准入门槛，为发展民间金融创造条件，使金融体系充分发挥活力。
16. 社会保障：建立覆盖全体国民的社会保障体制，使国民在教育、医疗、养老和就业等方面得到最基本的保障。
17. 环境保护：保护生态环境，提倡可持续发展，为子孙后代和全人类负责；明确落实国家和各级官员必须为此承担的相应责任；发挥民间组织在环境保护中的参与和监督作用。
18. 联邦共和：以平等、公正的态度参与维持地区和平与发展，塑造一个负责任的大国形象。维护香港、澳门的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通过平等谈判与合作互 动的方式寻求海峡两岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁荣的可能途径和制度设计，在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共和国。
19. 转型正义：为历次政治运动中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家属，恢复名誉，给予国家赔偿；释放所有政治犯和良心犯，释放所有因信仰而获罪的人员；成立真相调查委员会，查清历史事件的真相，厘清责任，伸张正义；在此基础上寻求社会和解。
四、结语
中 国作为世界大国，作为联合国安理会五个常任理事国之一和人权理事会的成员，理应为人类和平事业与人权进步做出自身的贡献。但令人遗憾的是，在当今世界的所 有大国里，唯独中国还处在威权主义政治生态中，并由此造成连绵不断的人权灾难和社会危机，束缚了中华民族的自身发展，制约了人类文明的进步——这种局面必 须改变！政治民主化变革不能再拖延下去。
为此，我们本着勇于践行的公民精神，公布《零八宪章》。我们希望所有具有同样危机感、责任感和使 命感的中国公民，不分朝野，不论身份，求同存异，积极参与到公民运动中来，共同推动中国社会的伟大变革，以期早日建成一个自由、民主、宪政的国家，实现国 人百余年来锲而不舍的追求与梦想。
今年是中国立宪百年，《世界人权宣言》公布60周年，“民主墙”诞生30周年，中国政府签署《公民权利和政治权利国际公约》10周年。在经历了长期的人权 灾难和艰难曲折的抗争历程之后，觉醒的中国公民日渐清楚地认识到，自由、平等、人权是人类共同的普世价值；民主、共和、宪政是现代政治的基本制度架构。抽 离了这些普世价值和基本政制架构的“现代化”，是剥夺人的权利、腐蚀人性、摧毁人的尊严的灾难过程。21世纪的中国将走向何方，是继续这种威权统治下的“ 现代化”，还是认同普世价值、融入主流文明、建立民主政体？这是一个不容回避的抉择。
19世纪中期的历史巨变，暴露了中国传统专制制度的 腐朽，揭开了中华大地上“数千年未有之大变局”的序幕。洋务运动追求器物层面的进良，甲午战败再次暴露了体制的过时；戊戌变法触及到制度层面的革新，终因 顽固派的残酷镇压而归于失败；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延续2000多年的皇权制度，建立了亚洲第一个共和国。囿于当时内忧外患的特定历史条件，共和政体只 是昙花一现，专制主义旋即卷土重来。器物模仿和制度更新的失败，推动国人深入到对文化病根的反思，遂有以“科学与民主”为旗帜的“五四”新文化运动，因内 战频仍和外敌入侵，中国政治民主化历程被迫中断。抗日战争胜利后的中国再次开启了宪政历程，然而国共内战的结果使中国陷入了现代极权主义的深渊。1949 年建立的“新中国”，名义上是“人民共和国”，实质上是“党天下”。执政党垄断了所有政治、经济和社会资源，制造了反右、大跃进、文革、六四、打压民间宗 教活动与维权运动等一系列人权灾难，致使数千万人失去生命，国民和国家都付出了极为惨重的代价。
二十世纪后期的“改革开放”，使中国摆脱 了毛泽东时代的普遍贫困和绝对极权，民间财富和民众生活水平有了大幅度提高，个人的经济自由和社会权利得到部分恢复，公民社会开始生长，民间对人权和政治 自由的呼声日益高涨。执政者也在进行走向市场化和私有化的经济改革的同时，开始了从拒绝人权到逐渐承认人权的转变。中国政府于1997年、1998年分别 签署了两个重要的国际人权公约，全国人大于2004年通过修宪把“尊重和保障人权”写进宪法，今年又承诺制订和推行《国家人权行动计划》。但是，这些政治 进步迄今为止大多停留在纸面上；有法律而无法治，有宪法而无宪政，仍然是有目共睹的政治现实。执政集团继续坚持维系威权统治，排拒政治变革，由此导致官场 腐败，法治难立，人权不彰，道德沦丧，社会两极分化，经济畸形发展，自然环境和人文环境遭到双重破坏，公民的自由、财产和追求幸福的权利得不到制度化的保 障，各种社会矛盾不断积累，不满情绪持续高涨，特别是官民对立激化和群体事件激增，正在显示着灾难性的失控趋势，现行体制的落伍已经到了非改不可的地步。
二、我们的基本理念
当此决定中国未来命运的历史关头，有必要反思百年来的现代化历程，重申如下基本理念：
* 自由：自由是普世价值的核心之所在。言论、出版、信仰、集会、结社、迁徙、罢工和游行示威等权利都是自由的具体体现。自由不昌，则无现代文明可言。
* 人权：人权不是国家的赐予，而是每个人与生俱来就享有的权利。保障人权，既是政府的首要目标和公共权力合法性的基础，也是“以人为本”的内在要求。中国的历次政治灾难都与执政当局对人权的无视密切相关。人是国家的主体，国家服务于人民，政府为人民而存在。
* 平等：每一个个体的人，不论社会地位、职业、性别、经济状况、种族、肤色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊严、自由都是平等的。必须落实法律面前人人平等的原则，落实公民的社会、经济、文化、政治权利平等的原则。
* 共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分权制衡与利益平衡，就是多种利益成分、不同社会集团、多元文化与信仰追求的群体，在平等参与、公平竞争、共同议政的基础上，以和平的方式处理公共事务。
* 民主：最基本的涵义是主权在民和民选政府。
民主具有如下基本特点：
（1）政权的合法性来自人民，政治权力来源于人民；
（2）政治统治经过人民选择，
（3）公民享有真正的选举权，各级政府的主要政务官员必须通过定期的竞选产生。
（4）尊重多数人的决定，同时保护少数人的基本人权。
一句话，民主使政府成为“民有，民治，民享”的现代公器。
* 宪政：宪政是通过法律规定和法治来保障宪法确定的公民基本自由和权利的原则，限制并划定政府权力和行为的边界，并提供相应的制度设施。
在中国，帝国皇权的时代早已一去不复返了；在世界范围内，威权体制也日近黄昏；公民应该成为真正的国家主人。祛除依赖“明君”、“清官”的臣民意识，张扬权利为本、参与为责的公民意识，实践自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中国的根本出路。
三、我们的基本主张
藉此，我们本着负责任与建设性的公民精神对国家政制、公民权利与社会发展诸方面提出如下具体主张：
1. 修改宪法：根据前述价值理念修改宪法，删除现行宪法中不符合主权在民原则的条文，使宪法真正成为人权的保证书和公共权力的许可状，成为任何个人、团体和党派不得违反的可以实施的最高法律，为中国民主化奠定法权基础。
2. 分权制衡：构建分权制衡的现代政府，保证立法、司法、行政三权分立。确立法定行政和责任政府的原则，防止行政权力过分扩张；政府应对纳税人负责；在中央和地方之间建立分权与制衡制度，中央权力须由宪法明确界定授权，地方实行充分自治。
3. 立法民主：各级立法机构由直选产生，立法秉持公平正义原则，实行立法民主。
4. 司法独立：司法应超越党派、不受任何干预，实行司法独立，保障司法公正；设立宪法法院，建立违宪审查制度，维护宪法权威。尽早撤销严重危害国家法治的各级党的政法委员会，避免公器私用。
5. 公器公用：实现军队国家化，军人应效忠于宪法，效忠于国家，政党组织应从军队中退出，提高军队职业化水平。包括警察在内的所有公务员应保持政治中立。消除公务员录用的党派歧视，应不分党派平等录用。
6. 人权保障：切实保障人权，维护人的尊严。设立对最高民意机关负责的人权委员会，防止政府滥用公权侵犯人权，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、传讯、审问、处罚，废除劳动教养制度。
7. 公职选举：全面推行民主选举制度，落实一人一票的平等选举权。各级行政首长的直接选举应制度化地逐步推行。定期自由竞争选举和公民参选法定公共职务是不可剥夺的基本人权。
8. 城乡平等：废除现行的城乡二元户籍制度，落实公民一律平等的宪法权利，保障公民的自由迁徙权。
9. 结社自由：保障公民的结社自由权，将现行的社团登记审批制改为备案制。开放党禁，以宪法和法律规范政党行为，取消一党垄断执政特权，确立政党活动自由和公平竞争的原则，实现政党政治正常化和法制化。
10. 集会自由：和平集会、游行、示威和表达自由，是宪法规定的公民基本自由，不应受到执政党和政府的非法干预与违宪限制。
11. 言论自由：落实言论自由、出版自由和学术自由，保障公民的知情权和监督权。制订《新闻法》和《出版法》，开放报禁，废除现行《刑法》中的“煽动颠覆国家政权罪”条款，杜绝以言治罪。
12. 宗教自由：保障宗教自由与信仰自由，实行政教分离，宗教信仰活动不受政府干预。审查并撤销限制或剥夺公民宗教自由的行政法规、行政规章和地方性法规；禁止 以行政立法管理宗教活动。废除宗教团体（包括宗教活动场所）必经登记始获合法地位的事先许可制度，代之以无须任何审查的备案制。
13. 公民教育：取消服务于一党统治、带有浓厚意识形态色彩的政治教育与政治考试，推广以普世价值和公民权利为本的公民教育，确立公民意识，倡导服务社会的公民美德。
14. 财产保护：确立和保护私有财产权利，实行自由、开放的市场经济制度，保障创业自由，消除行政垄断；设立对最高民意机关负责的国有资产管理委员会，合法有序 地展开产权改革，明晰产权归属和责任者；开展新土地运动，推进土地私有化，切实保障公民尤其是农民的土地所有权。
15. 财税改革：确立民主财政和保障纳税人的权利。建立权责明确的公共财政制度构架和运行机制，建立各级政府合理有效的财政分权体系；对赋税制度进行重大改革， 以降低税率、简化税制、公平税负。非经社会公共选择过程，民意机关决议，行政部门不得随意加税、开征新税。通过产权改革，引进多元市场主体和竞争机制，降 低金融准入门槛，为发展民间金融创造条件，使金融体系充分发挥活力。
16. 社会保障：建立覆盖全体国民的社会保障体制，使国民在教育、医疗、养老和就业等方面得到最基本的保障。
17. 环境保护：保护生态环境，提倡可持续发展，为子孙后代和全人类负责；明确落实国家和各级官员必须为此承担的相应责任；发挥民间组织在环境保护中的参与和监督作用。
18. 联邦共和：以平等、公正的态度参与维持地区和平与发展，塑造一个负责任的大国形象。维护香港、澳门的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通过平等谈判与合作互 动的方式寻求海峡两岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁荣的可能途径和制度设计，在民主宪政的架构下建立中华联邦共和国。
19. 转型正义：为历次政治运动中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家属，恢复名誉，给予国家赔偿；释放所有政治犯和良心犯，释放所有因信仰而获罪的人员；成立真相调查委员会，查清历史事件的真相，厘清责任，伸张正义；在此基础上寻求社会和解。
四、结语
中 国作为世界大国，作为联合国安理会五个常任理事国之一和人权理事会的成员，理应为人类和平事业与人权进步做出自身的贡献。但令人遗憾的是，在当今世界的所 有大国里，唯独中国还处在威权主义政治生态中，并由此造成连绵不断的人权灾难和社会危机，束缚了中华民族的自身发展，制约了人类文明的进步——这种局面必 须改变！政治民主化变革不能再拖延下去。
为此，我们本着勇于践行的公民精神，公布《零八宪章》。我们希望所有具有同样危机感、责任感和使 命感的中国公民，不分朝野，不论身份，求同存异，积极参与到公民运动中来，共同推动中国社会的伟大变革，以期早日建成一个自由、民主、宪政的国家，实现国 人百余年来锲而不舍的追求与梦想。
轉載:零八憲章(繁体中文版)
一、前言
今年是中國立憲百年，《世界人權宣言》公布60周年，“民主牆”誕生30周年，中國政府簽署《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》10周年。在經曆了長期的人權災難和艱難曲折的抗争曆程之後，覺醒的中國公民日漸清楚地認識到，自由、平等、人權是人類共同的普世價值；民主、共和、憲政是現代政治的基本制度架構。抽離了這些普世價值和基本政制架構的“現代化”，是剝奪人的權利、腐蝕人性、摧毀人的尊嚴的災難過程。21世紀的中國将走向何方，是繼續這種威權統治下的“ 現代化”，還是認同普世價值、融入主流文明、建立民主政體？這是一個不容回避的抉擇。
19世紀中期的曆史巨變，暴露了中國傳統專制制度的腐朽，揭開了中華大地上“數千年未有之大變局”的序幕。洋務運動追求器物層面的進良，甲午戰敗再次暴露了體制的過時；戊戌變法觸及到制度層面的革新，終因頑固派的殘酷鎮壓而歸于失敗；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延續2000多年的皇權制度，建立了亞洲第一個共和國。囿于當時内憂外患的特定曆史條件，共和政體隻是昙花一現，專制主義旋即卷土重來。器物模仿和制度更新的失敗，推動國人深入到對文化病根的反思，遂有以“科學與民主”爲旗幟的“五四”新文化運動，因内戰頻仍和外敵入侵，中國政治民主化曆程被迫中斷。抗日戰争勝利後的中國再次開啓了憲政曆程，然而國共内戰的結果使中國陷入了現代極權主義的深淵。1949年建立的“新中國”，名義上是“人民共和國”，實質上是“黨天下”。執政黨壟斷了所有政治、經濟和社會資源，制造了反右、大躍進、文革、六四、打壓民間宗教活動與維權運動等一系列人權災難，緻使數千萬人失去生命，國民和國家都付出了極爲慘重的代價。
二十世紀後期的“改革開放”，使中國擺脫了毛澤東時代的普遍貧困和絕對極權，民間财富和民衆生活水平有了大幅度提高，個人的經濟自由和社會權利得到部分恢複，公民社會開始生長，民間對人權和政治自由的呼聲日益高漲。執政者也在進行走向市場化和私有化的經濟改革的同時，開始了從拒絕人權到逐漸承認人權的轉變。中國政府于1997年、1998年分别簽署了兩個重要的國際人權公約，全國人大于2004年通過修憲把“尊重和保障人權”寫進憲法，今年又承諾制訂和推行《國家人權行動計劃》。但是，這些政治進步迄今爲止大多停留在紙面上；有法律而無法治，有憲法而無憲政，仍然是有目共睹的政治現實。執政集團繼續堅持維系威權統治，排拒政治變革，由此導緻官場腐敗，法治難立，人權不彰，道德淪喪，社會兩極分化，經濟畸形發展，自然環境和人文環境遭到雙重破壞，公民的自由、财産和追求幸福的權利得不到制度化的保障，各種社會矛盾不斷積累，不滿情緒持續高漲，特别是官民對立激化和群體事件激增，正在顯示着災難性的失控趨勢，現行體制的落伍已經到了非改不可的地步。
二、我們的基本理念
當此決定中國未來命運的曆史關頭，有必要反思百年來的現代化曆程，重申如下基本理念：
* 自由：自由是普世價值的核心之所在。言論、出版、信仰、集會、結社、遷徙、罷工和遊行示威等權利都是自由的具體體現。自由不昌，則無現代文明可言。
* 人權：人權不是國家的賜予，而是每個人與生俱來就享有的權利。保障人權，既是政府的首要目标和公共權力合法性的基礎，也是“以人爲本”的内在要求。中國的曆次政治災難都與執政當局對人權的無視密切相關。人是國家的主體，國家服務于人民，政府爲人民而存在。
* 平等：每一個個體的人，不論社會地位、職業、性别、經濟狀況、種族、膚色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊嚴、自由都是平等的。必須落實法律面前人人平等的原則，落實公民的社會、經濟、文化、政治權利平等的原則。
* 共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分權制衡與利益平衡，就是多種利益成分、不同社會集團、多元文化與信仰追求的群體，在平等參與、公平競争、共同議政的基礎上，以和平的方式處理公共事務。
* 民主：最基本的涵義是主權在民和民選政府。民主具有如下基本特點：
（1）政權的合法性來自人民，政治權力來源于人民；
（2）政治統治經過人民選擇；
（3）公民享有真正的選舉權，各級政府的主要政務官員必須通過定期的競選産生；
（4）尊重多數人的決定，同時保護少數人的基本人權。
一句話，民主使政府成爲“民有，民治，民享”的現代公器。
* 憲政：憲政是通過法律規定和法治來保障憲法确定的公民基本自由和權利的原則，限制并劃定政府權力和行爲的邊界，并提供相應的制度設施。
在中國，帝國皇權的時代早已一去不複返了；在世界範圍内，威權體制也日近黃昏；公民應該成爲真正的國家主人。祛除依賴“明君”、“清官”的臣民意識，張揚權利爲本、參與爲責的公民意識，實踐自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中國的根本出路。
三、我們的基本主張
藉此，我們本着負責任與建設性的公民精神對國家政制、公民權利與社會發展諸方面提出如下具體主張：
1. 修改憲法：根據前述價值理念修改憲法，删除現行憲法中不符合主權在民原則的條文，使憲法真正成爲人權的保證書和公共權力的許可狀，成爲任何個人、團體和黨派不得違反的可以實施的最高法律，爲中國民主化奠定法權基礎。
2. 分權制衡：構建分權制衡的現代政府，保證立法、司法、行政三權分立。确立法定行政和責任政府的原則，防止行政權力過分擴張；政府應對納稅人負責；在中央和地方之間建立分權與制衡制度，中央權力須由憲法明确界定授權，地方實行充分自治。
3. 立法民主：各級立法機構由直選産生，立法秉持公平正義原則，實行立法民主。
4. 司法獨立：司法應超越黨派、不受任何幹預，實行司法獨立，保障司法公正；設立憲法法院，建立違憲審查制度，維護憲法權威。盡早撤銷嚴重危害國家法治的各級黨的政法委員會，避免公器私用。
5. 公器公用：實現軍隊國家化，軍人應效忠于憲法，效忠于國家，政黨組織應從軍隊中退出，提高軍隊職業化水平。包括警察在内的所有公務員應保持政治中立。消除公務員錄用的黨派歧視，應不分黨派平等錄用。
6. 人權保障：切實保障人權，維護人的尊嚴。設立對最高民意機關負責的人權委員會，防止政府濫用公權侵犯人權，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、傳訊、審問、處罰，廢除勞動教養制度。
7. 公職選舉：全面推行民主選舉制度，落實一人一票的平等選舉權。各級行政首長的直接選舉應制度化地逐步推行。定期自由競争選舉和公民參選法定公共職務是不可剝奪的基本人權。
8. 城鄉平等：廢除現行的城鄉二元戶籍制度，落實公民一律平等的憲法權利，保障公民的自由遷徙權。
9. 結社自由：保障公民的結社自由權，将現行的社團登記審批制改爲備案制。開放黨禁，以憲法和法律規範政黨行爲，取消一黨壟斷執政特權，确立政黨活動自由和公平競争的原則，實現政黨政治正常化和法制化。
10. 集會自由：和平集會、遊行、示威和表達自由，是憲法規定的公民基本自由，不應受到執政黨和政府的非法幹預與違憲限制。
11. 言論自由：落實言論自由、出版自由和學術自由，保障公民的知情權和監督權。制訂《新聞法》和《出版法》，開放報禁，廢除現行《刑法》中的“煽動颠覆國家政權罪”條款，杜絕以言治罪。
12. 宗教自由：保障宗教自由與信仰自由，實行政教分離，宗教信仰活動不受政府幹預。審查并撤銷限制或剝奪公民宗教自由的行政法規、行政規章和地方性法規；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活動。廢除宗教團體（包括宗教活動場所）必經登記始獲合法地位的事先許可制度，代之以無須任何審查的備案制。
13. 公民教育：取消服務于一黨統治、帶有濃厚意識形态色彩的政治教育與政治考試，推廣以普世價值和公民權利爲本的公民教育，确立公民意識，倡導服務社會的公民美德。
14. 财産保護：确立和保護私有财産權利，實行自由、開放的市場經濟制度，保障創業自由，消除行政壟斷；設立對最高民意機關負責的國有資産管理委員會，合法有序地展開産權改革，明晰産權歸屬和責任者；開展新土地運動，推進土地私有化，切實保障公民尤其是農民的土地所有權。
15. 财稅改革：确立民主财政和保障納稅人的權利。建立權責明确的公共财政制度構架和運行機制，建立各級政府合理有效的财政分權體系；對賦稅制度進行重大改革，以降低稅率、簡化稅制、公平稅負。非經社會公共選擇過程，民意機關決議，行政部門不得随意加稅、開征新稅。通過産權改革，引進多元市場主體和競争機制，降低金融準入門檻，爲發展民間金融創造條件，使金融體系充分發揮活力。
16. 社會保障：建立覆蓋全體國民的社會保障體制，使國民在教育、醫療、養老和就業等方面得到最基本的保障。
17. 環境保護：保護生态環境，提倡可持續發展，爲子孫後代和全人類負責；明确落實國家和各級官員必須爲此承擔的相應責任；發揮民間組織在環境保護中的參與和監督作用。
18. 聯邦共和：以平等、公正的态度參與維持地區和平與發展，塑造一個負責任的大國形象。維護香港、澳門的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通過平等談判與合作互動的方式尋求海峽兩岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁榮的可能途徑和制度設計，在民主憲政的架構下建立中華聯邦共和國。
19. 轉型正義：爲曆次政治運動中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家屬，恢複名譽，給予國家賠償；釋放所有政治犯和良心犯，釋放所有因信仰而獲罪的人員；成立真相調查委員會，查清曆史事件的真相，厘清責任，伸張正義；在此基礎上尋求社會和解。
四、結語
中國作爲世界大國，作爲聯合國安理會五個常任理事國之一和人權理事會的成員，理應爲人類和平事業與人權進步做出自身的貢獻。但令人遺憾的是，在當今世界的所有大國裏，唯獨中國還處在威權主義政治生态中，并由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機，束縛了中華民族的自身發展，制約了人類文明的進步——這種局面必須改變！政治民主化變革不能再拖延下去。
爲此，我們本着勇于踐行的公民精神，公布《零八憲章》。我們希望所有具有同樣危機感、責任感和使命感的中國公民，不分朝野，不論身份，求同存異，積極參與到公民運動中來，共同推動中國社會的偉大變革，以期早日建成一個自由、民主、憲政的國家，實現國人百餘年來锲而不舍的追求與夢想。
今年是中國立憲百年，《世界人權宣言》公布60周年，“民主牆”誕生30周年，中國政府簽署《公民權利和政治權利國際公約》10周年。在經曆了長期的人權災難和艱難曲折的抗争曆程之後，覺醒的中國公民日漸清楚地認識到，自由、平等、人權是人類共同的普世價值；民主、共和、憲政是現代政治的基本制度架構。抽離了這些普世價值和基本政制架構的“現代化”，是剝奪人的權利、腐蝕人性、摧毀人的尊嚴的災難過程。21世紀的中國将走向何方，是繼續這種威權統治下的“ 現代化”，還是認同普世價值、融入主流文明、建立民主政體？這是一個不容回避的抉擇。
19世紀中期的曆史巨變，暴露了中國傳統專制制度的腐朽，揭開了中華大地上“數千年未有之大變局”的序幕。洋務運動追求器物層面的進良，甲午戰敗再次暴露了體制的過時；戊戌變法觸及到制度層面的革新，終因頑固派的殘酷鎮壓而歸于失敗；辛亥革命在表面上埋葬了延續2000多年的皇權制度，建立了亞洲第一個共和國。囿于當時内憂外患的特定曆史條件，共和政體隻是昙花一現，專制主義旋即卷土重來。器物模仿和制度更新的失敗，推動國人深入到對文化病根的反思，遂有以“科學與民主”爲旗幟的“五四”新文化運動，因内戰頻仍和外敵入侵，中國政治民主化曆程被迫中斷。抗日戰争勝利後的中國再次開啓了憲政曆程，然而國共内戰的結果使中國陷入了現代極權主義的深淵。1949年建立的“新中國”，名義上是“人民共和國”，實質上是“黨天下”。執政黨壟斷了所有政治、經濟和社會資源，制造了反右、大躍進、文革、六四、打壓民間宗教活動與維權運動等一系列人權災難，緻使數千萬人失去生命，國民和國家都付出了極爲慘重的代價。
二十世紀後期的“改革開放”，使中國擺脫了毛澤東時代的普遍貧困和絕對極權，民間财富和民衆生活水平有了大幅度提高，個人的經濟自由和社會權利得到部分恢複，公民社會開始生長，民間對人權和政治自由的呼聲日益高漲。執政者也在進行走向市場化和私有化的經濟改革的同時，開始了從拒絕人權到逐漸承認人權的轉變。中國政府于1997年、1998年分别簽署了兩個重要的國際人權公約，全國人大于2004年通過修憲把“尊重和保障人權”寫進憲法，今年又承諾制訂和推行《國家人權行動計劃》。但是，這些政治進步迄今爲止大多停留在紙面上；有法律而無法治，有憲法而無憲政，仍然是有目共睹的政治現實。執政集團繼續堅持維系威權統治，排拒政治變革，由此導緻官場腐敗，法治難立，人權不彰，道德淪喪，社會兩極分化，經濟畸形發展，自然環境和人文環境遭到雙重破壞，公民的自由、财産和追求幸福的權利得不到制度化的保障，各種社會矛盾不斷積累，不滿情緒持續高漲，特别是官民對立激化和群體事件激增，正在顯示着災難性的失控趨勢，現行體制的落伍已經到了非改不可的地步。
二、我們的基本理念
當此決定中國未來命運的曆史關頭，有必要反思百年來的現代化曆程，重申如下基本理念：
* 自由：自由是普世價值的核心之所在。言論、出版、信仰、集會、結社、遷徙、罷工和遊行示威等權利都是自由的具體體現。自由不昌，則無現代文明可言。
* 人權：人權不是國家的賜予，而是每個人與生俱來就享有的權利。保障人權，既是政府的首要目标和公共權力合法性的基礎，也是“以人爲本”的内在要求。中國的曆次政治災難都與執政當局對人權的無視密切相關。人是國家的主體，國家服務于人民，政府爲人民而存在。
* 平等：每一個個體的人，不論社會地位、職業、性别、經濟狀況、種族、膚色、宗教或政治信仰，其人格、尊嚴、自由都是平等的。必須落實法律面前人人平等的原則，落實公民的社會、經濟、文化、政治權利平等的原則。
* 共和：共和就是“大家共治，和平共生”，就是分權制衡與利益平衡，就是多種利益成分、不同社會集團、多元文化與信仰追求的群體，在平等參與、公平競争、共同議政的基礎上，以和平的方式處理公共事務。
* 民主：最基本的涵義是主權在民和民選政府。民主具有如下基本特點：
（1）政權的合法性來自人民，政治權力來源于人民；
（2）政治統治經過人民選擇；
（3）公民享有真正的選舉權，各級政府的主要政務官員必須通過定期的競選産生；
（4）尊重多數人的決定，同時保護少數人的基本人權。
一句話，民主使政府成爲“民有，民治，民享”的現代公器。
* 憲政：憲政是通過法律規定和法治來保障憲法确定的公民基本自由和權利的原則，限制并劃定政府權力和行爲的邊界，并提供相應的制度設施。
在中國，帝國皇權的時代早已一去不複返了；在世界範圍内，威權體制也日近黃昏；公民應該成爲真正的國家主人。祛除依賴“明君”、“清官”的臣民意識，張揚權利爲本、參與爲責的公民意識，實踐自由，躬行民主，尊奉法治，才是中國的根本出路。
三、我們的基本主張
藉此，我們本着負責任與建設性的公民精神對國家政制、公民權利與社會發展諸方面提出如下具體主張：
1. 修改憲法：根據前述價值理念修改憲法，删除現行憲法中不符合主權在民原則的條文，使憲法真正成爲人權的保證書和公共權力的許可狀，成爲任何個人、團體和黨派不得違反的可以實施的最高法律，爲中國民主化奠定法權基礎。
2. 分權制衡：構建分權制衡的現代政府，保證立法、司法、行政三權分立。确立法定行政和責任政府的原則，防止行政權力過分擴張；政府應對納稅人負責；在中央和地方之間建立分權與制衡制度，中央權力須由憲法明确界定授權，地方實行充分自治。
3. 立法民主：各級立法機構由直選産生，立法秉持公平正義原則，實行立法民主。
4. 司法獨立：司法應超越黨派、不受任何幹預，實行司法獨立，保障司法公正；設立憲法法院，建立違憲審查制度，維護憲法權威。盡早撤銷嚴重危害國家法治的各級黨的政法委員會，避免公器私用。
5. 公器公用：實現軍隊國家化，軍人應效忠于憲法，效忠于國家，政黨組織應從軍隊中退出，提高軍隊職業化水平。包括警察在内的所有公務員應保持政治中立。消除公務員錄用的黨派歧視，應不分黨派平等錄用。
6. 人權保障：切實保障人權，維護人的尊嚴。設立對最高民意機關負責的人權委員會，防止政府濫用公權侵犯人權，尤其要保障公民的人身自由，任何人不受非法逮捕、拘禁、傳訊、審問、處罰，廢除勞動教養制度。
7. 公職選舉：全面推行民主選舉制度，落實一人一票的平等選舉權。各級行政首長的直接選舉應制度化地逐步推行。定期自由競争選舉和公民參選法定公共職務是不可剝奪的基本人權。
8. 城鄉平等：廢除現行的城鄉二元戶籍制度，落實公民一律平等的憲法權利，保障公民的自由遷徙權。
9. 結社自由：保障公民的結社自由權，将現行的社團登記審批制改爲備案制。開放黨禁，以憲法和法律規範政黨行爲，取消一黨壟斷執政特權，确立政黨活動自由和公平競争的原則，實現政黨政治正常化和法制化。
10. 集會自由：和平集會、遊行、示威和表達自由，是憲法規定的公民基本自由，不應受到執政黨和政府的非法幹預與違憲限制。
11. 言論自由：落實言論自由、出版自由和學術自由，保障公民的知情權和監督權。制訂《新聞法》和《出版法》，開放報禁，廢除現行《刑法》中的“煽動颠覆國家政權罪”條款，杜絕以言治罪。
12. 宗教自由：保障宗教自由與信仰自由，實行政教分離，宗教信仰活動不受政府幹預。審查并撤銷限制或剝奪公民宗教自由的行政法規、行政規章和地方性法規；禁止以行政立法管理宗教活動。廢除宗教團體（包括宗教活動場所）必經登記始獲合法地位的事先許可制度，代之以無須任何審查的備案制。
13. 公民教育：取消服務于一黨統治、帶有濃厚意識形态色彩的政治教育與政治考試，推廣以普世價值和公民權利爲本的公民教育，确立公民意識，倡導服務社會的公民美德。
14. 财産保護：确立和保護私有财産權利，實行自由、開放的市場經濟制度，保障創業自由，消除行政壟斷；設立對最高民意機關負責的國有資産管理委員會，合法有序地展開産權改革，明晰産權歸屬和責任者；開展新土地運動，推進土地私有化，切實保障公民尤其是農民的土地所有權。
15. 财稅改革：确立民主财政和保障納稅人的權利。建立權責明确的公共财政制度構架和運行機制，建立各級政府合理有效的财政分權體系；對賦稅制度進行重大改革，以降低稅率、簡化稅制、公平稅負。非經社會公共選擇過程，民意機關決議，行政部門不得随意加稅、開征新稅。通過産權改革，引進多元市場主體和競争機制，降低金融準入門檻，爲發展民間金融創造條件，使金融體系充分發揮活力。
16. 社會保障：建立覆蓋全體國民的社會保障體制，使國民在教育、醫療、養老和就業等方面得到最基本的保障。
17. 環境保護：保護生态環境，提倡可持續發展，爲子孫後代和全人類負責；明确落實國家和各級官員必須爲此承擔的相應責任；發揮民間組織在環境保護中的參與和監督作用。
18. 聯邦共和：以平等、公正的态度參與維持地區和平與發展，塑造一個負責任的大國形象。維護香港、澳門的自由制度。在自由民主的前提下，通過平等談判與合作互動的方式尋求海峽兩岸和解方案。以大智慧探索各民族共同繁榮的可能途徑和制度設計，在民主憲政的架構下建立中華聯邦共和國。
19. 轉型正義：爲曆次政治運動中遭受政治迫害的人士及其家屬，恢複名譽，給予國家賠償；釋放所有政治犯和良心犯，釋放所有因信仰而獲罪的人員；成立真相調查委員會，查清曆史事件的真相，厘清責任，伸張正義；在此基礎上尋求社會和解。
四、結語
中國作爲世界大國，作爲聯合國安理會五個常任理事國之一和人權理事會的成員，理應爲人類和平事業與人權進步做出自身的貢獻。但令人遺憾的是，在當今世界的所有大國裏，唯獨中國還處在威權主義政治生态中，并由此造成連綿不斷的人權災難和社會危機，束縛了中華民族的自身發展，制約了人類文明的進步——這種局面必須改變！政治民主化變革不能再拖延下去。
爲此，我們本着勇于踐行的公民精神，公布《零八憲章》。我們希望所有具有同樣危機感、責任感和使命感的中國公民，不分朝野，不論身份，求同存異，積極參與到公民運動中來，共同推動中國社會的偉大變革，以期早日建成一個自由、民主、憲政的國家，實現國人百餘年來锲而不舍的追求與夢想。
2008年12月6日 星期六
香港民間電台的倡議
既然香港政府可以豪損一百億給汶川地震救災,為什麼不可以出十億/八億來經營十九區民間地區電台?民間地區電台是一個一物多用的主意,在失業嚴重的地方, 可以不用增加救濟金來改善區域性失業問題,因為區域性失業不單是因為交通費高,亦是因為失業者安排不到親友來看管子女,他/她不想因為微簿的薪金,做成日 後的家庭問題,而家人的疏離感是青少年問題的溫床;再者,民間地區電台亦可以創造出一種地區的凝聚力和歸屬感,補充過度城市化做成的缺乏社區精神,最有效 的方法,莫過於大家一起為一個建設性的目標工作;同時亦可以建構一個在政治以外的公共空間,因為任何商營的電台都會為商業目標服務,市民的聲音未必得到真 實的反映,而普選為期尚遠,民間地區電台就起了讓市民宣洩情緒的作用,有助維持社會的穩定、和諧。香港政府以為香港電台的管理混亂,但因找不到一個能夠讓 香港各界都滿意的替代品而裹足不前,不敢有任何行動,既然它不以為香港電台可以革新,為什麼不信任香港人在區議會自己可以管好地區的電台?
2008年11月17日 星期一
轉載:如果愛情可以像總統競選…
(轉載自: http://eulertruthbible.wordpress.com/2008/11/17/%e5%a6%82%e6%9e%9c%e6%84%9b%e6%83%85%e5%8f%af%e4%bb%a5%e5%83%8f%e7%b8%bd%e7%b5%b1%e7%ab%b6%e9%81%b8%e2%80%a6/)
我想我最心愛的冰漓,你最終會被我說服去投我一票的,我從來不怕競爭,因為每次我的愛情都是 從其他所謂「青悔竹馬」的人身上搶回來,要是世上人人都是真的是青悔竹馬,則我註定要一生守寡了,我不以為像我的條件和資格配你不起。想一想你有哪一個追 求者可以如此明目張膽,一再在互聯網上向全世界宣佈我愛你?有哪一個人的思想的質素和內涵可以追及我?有哪一個人可以寫出如此完整的愛情競選宣言?如果我 不像奧巴馬,難道麥凱恩可以比得上我(我的意思是在相同條件下的比較)?難道一般港男可以及得上我?
競選總綱: 我倆手,共同開創世界的新紀元。冰漓,其實自認識你以來,不斷豉動、提倡發動革命的是我,我以為香港、中共國以致世界已經到了困境,是時侯去開壁新天新 地,倉天己死,新天當立。新天新地,由我倆的愛情開始,世界由我們改造,犬儒的人最終會被淘汰,理想和愛的世界重生,我們的生存就是為了這一天。只有我才 可以把你的潛質完全發展!
經濟政策: 因為地產違反我的原則,因此我倆是不置不動產的,人生存是要活着,是要生產,但不是為了累積而生產,希望最終做到和世界人們四海一家,吃和穿的價值在其自 身,而不是為了獨立在它們本身的價值而生存。我明白到在現行的社會制度下,完全落實會有點困難,但可以考慮以三年為過渡期,續漸過渡至最合乎人性的生活。
智力發展政策: 智力的發展是無窮無盡,不受年紀及處境限制的,但是智力的發展不可以孤立在世界處境之外,我們智力相若,應可以做到「屬世,但不入世」。我們可以合作去拿 一、兩個諾貝爾獎來證明自己,你我會是良師益友,你我可以用思想去改變世界,世界最終會被我倆折服。單一個我,單一個你,可能是天方夜譚,但我倆合作就不 再是不可能,事在人為。
情感發展政策: 感情的發展是無窮無盡,不受年紀及處境限制的,最貴乎的是交通,我不以為這發展要受世俗的標記來限制,什麼結婚、單身、同居在本質和我倆的情感關係是不相 干的,了解自己,了解他人是一個終生學習的過程,而世上只有你一個,我才會有興趣去研究一世,其他的太膚淺太幼稚了。
最愛你的人上
2008年11月11日 星期二
給曾經是最愛的說話(3)
兔仔,
又是不懂寫情信的我來寫封不像樣的情信,記得我第一封寫給你,亦是我一生人的第一封「情信」,分析了你當時的形勢,其實是倒我自己的米。我當時太誠 實了,怎樣不寫得煽情一點,又或者把形勢歪曲成你沒有我生存不了?最可惜或最可笑的是,我太有遠見了,現在你的形勢其實不比當年改善一點。你還是戀父戀得 我有時懷疑你和父親有曖昧的關係?而你這位沒有靈魂,凡事只懂計算自己利益任事只懂計算自己利益的男朋友,亦是對你既不進取,亦不退避,只是當有競爭者會 多在意你一點。如果沒有其他的男朋友,亦是對你既不進取,亦不退避,只是當有競爭者會在意你一點。如果沒有猜錯的話,你和他「拍拖」了近十四年,他從不提 什麼時侯會結婚,而且害怕和你上床(除非你事先聲明只屬娛樂,無後果),因為如此他非娶你不可了。十四年來你都是他「沒選擇中的選擇」,因為你身子孱弱, 他生怕要養你一世,如此的懦夫,你卻如此忠心,恐怕他亦是你「沒選擇中的選擇」?最精於心計的白兔,為何現在反而陷於他人的心計中?是不是我沒有看錯你, 你根本對自己的魅力沒有信心,生怕他一離開你,世上再沒有人會愛你?沒有你,他可不可以活下去?沒有他,你可不可以活下去?如此的戀愛,和沒有戀愛有什分 別?
我其實一直還有一些困惑,我和第一天和你拍拖就知,你心裏不只我一人,你還有他作後備,所以你在這一天我們在電話談起時,我知道你想告訴我你最心底 的秘密,可能是因為我改變了話題,你就一如以往地收藏了你的內心,把它守得和你的日記一樣密。你令我沒法掌握你的過去,不明白你的心理歷史是如何演變的, 另一個我收到的訊息,別離我太近,因此我就認定你未必會全心愛我,你這扇恩典之門,隨時可關,我或者可以在物理層面和你親密,但心理上我和你永遠有距離。 或者就是這原因,後來當我們正式拍拖的時侯,如此好色的我卻沒有和你再作進一步接觸,因為我因此對你此心存芥,覺得如此是對我不誠實不信任。又或者是不是 你怕當我知道過去的不光彩歷史時,我不再愛你?你對自己欠缺信心,覺得自己不值得被人愛,因此成了「自我實現」的預言,如此的循環會一直不斷重複,直到你 領悟你自己不接受你自己才是根源。你自己不接受你自己,所以在潛意識中否定自己的價值,因此他再拖2/30年不娶你也不怕,最重要的是他不要嘗試闖你的心 門;你不怕在他心中,你除了後備,可能只是一件性工具而已。你教我領略了什麼叫痛苦!
你當時是想錯了,如果是現在曾從受你變心的事打擊的我,我真的不會接受你,就是你不戴眼鏡的樣子也不可以接受。你會潛藏憤怒,到最終變成不可收拾, 想不到我其實都是如此的人,所以後來一直在迫你表現出更愛我的一面,一來是在潛意識層面記掛着這件事,二來是怕你會變心,而我心內總有一股莫明的壓迫感, 以為自己是沒有將來的人。抱歉我一直以來,都不覺得你是配我說如此的心底話的人,你對我的不信任引發我對你的不信任,如此成為惡性循環,你求仁得仁了!
你本來就是一個極度自私的人,愛情不愛情,你因為身子孱弱及一系列家庭經濟問題,把其他的人當成是你的工具,我是唯一不接受你把我工具化的人,因為 看書比我還多的你,發覺你明白的心理學理論不足以分析,我是無法套在你思想的框框中,所以無論我再努力,也註定是徒然,因為你要的不是一個活人,一個什麼 都依你心目中的規則來進行的人,依Eric Fromm對Freud的批評,後者只是把人製成標本以便研究。框框只是框框,不代表真理。因此,你當然愛他了,因為你愛的是死人,而你其實是個半死不活 的人,同類愛上同類不出奇。
好消息是,經最近一役,我真的變成半死不活了,你還會愛你的同類嗎?
此致
曾經非常愛你的人
2008年11月10日 星期一
How to make a rope that won't swing by strong wind?
With a rope by itself, it would be impossible to do so. To make something unaffected by a strong force in anything, there are two directions to go:
A. When the force is absorbed and transformed into thermal energy, i.e. the uniqueness of directionality of the external force is destroyed by the internal structure of the rope;
B. When we could use the force to turn against itself, i.e. when we can led the force to interact with the rope to achieve a self-contradiction, then logically and physically the force can achieve nothing.
Since A has been discussed throughly in any ordinary level material Physics textbook, so I am more interested in discussing B. To produce a self contradiction, a rope by itself is not suffice to do so. We need two columns that is fixated on the group; then we make a knot on one side column, and we fix the rope from left side of one column to right side of another column so it pass each location only once.
Now when wind hit the rope in any direction, it would attempt to extend the part of the rope that is nearer to the source of wind. So because of this construction, when it attempt to extend the rope on one side then the other side would react by contract (since the rope has limited extensibility.) However, because the two parts are parallel to each other(and perpendicular to the direction of wind), then the force goes into extending the part of the rope closer to the source of wind also attempted to extend the part of the rope that is further from the source of wind. Therefore, through this construction, the force of wind is led to acting against itself in the rope, thus however the strength of the wind, the rope will never swing.
Can we extend this idea into areas other than Physics?
A. When the force is absorbed and transformed into thermal energy, i.e. the uniqueness of directionality of the external force is destroyed by the internal structure of the rope;
B. When we could use the force to turn against itself, i.e. when we can led the force to interact with the rope to achieve a self-contradiction, then logically and physically the force can achieve nothing.
Since A has been discussed throughly in any ordinary level material Physics textbook, so I am more interested in discussing B. To produce a self contradiction, a rope by itself is not suffice to do so. We need two columns that is fixated on the group; then we make a knot on one side column, and we fix the rope from left side of one column to right side of another column so it pass each location only once.
Now when wind hit the rope in any direction, it would attempt to extend the part of the rope that is nearer to the source of wind. So because of this construction, when it attempt to extend the rope on one side then the other side would react by contract (since the rope has limited extensibility.) However, because the two parts are parallel to each other(and perpendicular to the direction of wind), then the force goes into extending the part of the rope closer to the source of wind also attempted to extend the part of the rope that is further from the source of wind. Therefore, through this construction, the force of wind is led to acting against itself in the rope, thus however the strength of the wind, the rope will never swing.
Can we extend this idea into areas other than Physics?
2008年11月9日 星期日
留給冰漓的隱喻
未世紀: 毀滅世界的六人,故事大網為: 在一個沙之惑星中,人類一直被獸人奴役着,一個女性被一群自稱救世委員會的龐大組織追殺,偶然遇到一個不知何故同樣被追殺的人,她被追殺是因為她從參加反 抗組織的哥手上拿了一個名為「毀滅之球」的東西,不過她不懂得如何去啟動它。只是它似乎懂得在適當時間在夢中或投射出來他們下一步應去的地方。於是他們為 此東奔西跑,不斷被追殺,不過有趣的是,雖云是毀滅世界委員會,他們的一言一行都不像是恨透世界的人,我想這些經歷是為最後的結局埋下伏筆,影響女主角對 不公平世界的感覺。最後千辛萬苦,終於到了一片名為「冬之大陸」的地方,同行的男主角終於明白了一切,原來她手上所拿之球並不是「毀滅之球」,只是它的記 憶媒體,他自己才是真正的「毀滅之球」,只不過自己也忘記了自己真正的身份和存在的目的。「毀滅之球」發生作用是當有人發願去毀滅世界的時侯,所以程式一 早已被啟動,只是他們都不知道而已。他已存在於世界中千萬年,一直等待被喚醒這一天,當他覺醒自己真正的身份時,他的毀滅力量立刻發揮出來,但是女主角想 起一直以來的經歷,覺得獸人和人類是可以和平共存的,因此打消了這念頭,大團圓結局。
冰漓,你明白了沒有?
冰漓,你明白了沒有?
2008年11月5日 星期三
Capitalism’s effect on evolution
My hypothesis: Because in Capitalism medical industry tend to maximize its profit by selling drugs to who is not necessary(i.e. Healthy people), United States has become an over-medicated society. And as a consequence of over production and over consumption of drugs(especially Generic Drug), bacteria and virus has higher chance to expose to these drugs and develop resistance against them. Therefore, as a result, Capitalism increase the fatality of virus!
艷光愛地球,如何愛?
今屆亞洲小姐的大會口號是「艷光愛地球」,意即用美麗和智慧去光照全人類,看來很像是人類主義,但是其人類主義的涵義不外乎是一般的慈善,不超過「人道主 義」的範圍,卻沒有人類主義以人類的需要為建構社會一切法律、道德的宏願,觀乎亞洲電視的大股東為一紅色商人,而紅色商人背後的中共連人道主義的要求也達 不到,因此亞視為了避免被人指為暗中諷刺幕後玩家,自然不會用亞洲小姐來抬槓。
除了談人類主義的誤會之外,「艷光愛地球」看來又很像環境保護主義的標語,既然亞視可以比無線走出一步,做的名乎其實的把美麗推展到全亞洲,為什麼不再走 多一步,做首個把環境保護慨念引入選美之中?如此一來,就可以反照出無線的香港小姐所謂美麗與智慧並重這句口號的空洞無物,而亞洲小姐不單是衝出香港,亦 開始沾上世界公民的意涵!
除了談人類主義的誤會之外,「艷光愛地球」看來又很像環境保護主義的標語,既然亞視可以比無線走出一步,做的名乎其實的把美麗推展到全亞洲,為什麼不再走 多一步,做首個把環境保護慨念引入選美之中?如此一來,就可以反照出無線的香港小姐所謂美麗與智慧並重這句口號的空洞無物,而亞洲小姐不單是衝出香港,亦 開始沾上世界公民的意涵!
2008年10月21日 星期二
北京奧運是世界未日續篇
在我寫「北京奧運是世界未日的序幕」時侯,想到是中共國經濟崩潰,而不是美國的經濟崩潰,中共國因北京奧運太早被炒得太熱,因此損失了辦奧運一部份經濟收 益,實屬平常事。之前過份的期望,往往令人事後大失所望,中共國今年天災人禍連連,因此中共便有極巨大的心理壓力非辦好北京奧運不何,如此的心理狀態,一 來小小的錯都會被放大,二來令它防民更甚於防川,破壞人民本來用愉快心情迎接北京奧運,北京奧運想要達到的心理效果,只剩下亢奮一項。如此看來,中共國境 內外的反對者,在心理戰上,的確是打勝了一仗,借中共的手來對付它自己。其實想深一層,中共國在每屆奧運會中,金銀銅牌總數一直名列前矛,即中共國人民已 經習慣和適應了中共的技倆,凡事在人民預期之內,沒有驚喜,給人的印象其實只是費了超大的勁去把一切堅持原狀,或者有人會問: 為什麼中共國自稱是大國,但是辦一個小小的奧運會都要傾全國之力呢?君不見美國、澳洲、日本辦奧運會時,是要動用到軍隊在附近巡邏?舉辦的城市又要戒嚴? 嚴重干擾人民生活?為何自號大國的中共國要用這麼大的力氣去辦一件如此普通的事?
論心理戰在中共國境外的效果,其實亦只是麻麻。例如泛民主派在北京奧運完成後不到一星期,而衆運動員又來香港延續「民族愛國」下,依然可以在立法會選舉中 取得二十三席,可以說是完全打破了中共的如意算盤,中共了解到它的代言人:民建聯,是在任何政治經濟條件下都不可能成為香港政治上主流,六四得票比例牢不 可破。而且,如果用數字學的角度看(當日是八月初八),可以說是上天有意偏幫泛民主派,否則選民如何可以策略配票配得如此平均,反而是民建聯浪費了不少選 票呢?
固此,其實在心理上,中共是被香港投泛民主派的選民打敗了,它剩下的策略就是明目張膽的除去自由黨,目的是借香港商界的力量去令普選議案在立法會不能被通 過,然後把責任卸到香港人的內部矛盾,中共似乎以為香港普選之日,即中共滅亡之時,香港的水始終制住了中共的火。但是如此一來失去了中間派,中共和香港的 衝突將日趨尖銳及明顯,因為在不少人心目中,民建聯和中共都是同一路的人。中共是不是一如以往,有絕對優勢呢?
因為北京奧運,現在中共國的經濟又露出疲態,又爆出最大規模的有毒奶品事件,削弱了中共國在經濟的絕對優勢,前者影響的是收賣人心的能力,後者打擊了中共 在北京奧運刻意營做的良好管理形像。試問為什麼中共國為什麼可以把北京奧運管理得井井有條,但是對奶商卻無能為力呢?同時,前者和後者都同時打擊了香港經 濟,更受金融海嘯打擊,可以說是禍不單行。留意一下中國歷史,發覺朝代的滅亡無一不是和大規模的天災有關,無他,封建制度有它的內在問題,天災期間只會把 它的壞影響放大,而每一個制度、系統都有它最大的錯誤容忍度,中共的管理制度其實並不比清朝的先進多少,但是它受到的考驗,卻是有史以來最多,因此有人曾 推算出中共的壽命不過今年,不是完全不合理。中共國亦是金融海嘯的受害者,一來它為了美國出席北京奧運,買了大量的美國房按債卷,見財化水;二來,美國及 歐洲經濟不景,自然打擊中共國的廉價產品工業,及投資者在中共國設廠的意欲,三來毒奶事件亦令中共國產品的商譽受極沉重的打擊。中共一向以來用經濟發展來 壓抑政治民主化的訴求,如今經濟這張牌已失效,能再用什麼方法呢?唯一的只是不斷的「歡樂今宵」,分散人民的注意力,但是「歡樂今宵」又只會加速經濟資源 的消秏,如此下去,中共國政治改革不夠快,始終都是死路一條。
我以為中共看不到神八、神九的發射,因為它為了辦好北京奧運,埋下了滅亡的種子,如今的國內外形勢,正好助長這些種子發芽成長。十六年前是預言,如今已成事實,只是不少人一廂情願地逃避現實。中共國滅亡,香港特區政府倒台,你預備好了沒有?
論心理戰在中共國境外的效果,其實亦只是麻麻。例如泛民主派在北京奧運完成後不到一星期,而衆運動員又來香港延續「民族愛國」下,依然可以在立法會選舉中 取得二十三席,可以說是完全打破了中共的如意算盤,中共了解到它的代言人:民建聯,是在任何政治經濟條件下都不可能成為香港政治上主流,六四得票比例牢不 可破。而且,如果用數字學的角度看(當日是八月初八),可以說是上天有意偏幫泛民主派,否則選民如何可以策略配票配得如此平均,反而是民建聯浪費了不少選 票呢?
固此,其實在心理上,中共是被香港投泛民主派的選民打敗了,它剩下的策略就是明目張膽的除去自由黨,目的是借香港商界的力量去令普選議案在立法會不能被通 過,然後把責任卸到香港人的內部矛盾,中共似乎以為香港普選之日,即中共滅亡之時,香港的水始終制住了中共的火。但是如此一來失去了中間派,中共和香港的 衝突將日趨尖銳及明顯,因為在不少人心目中,民建聯和中共都是同一路的人。中共是不是一如以往,有絕對優勢呢?
因為北京奧運,現在中共國的經濟又露出疲態,又爆出最大規模的有毒奶品事件,削弱了中共國在經濟的絕對優勢,前者影響的是收賣人心的能力,後者打擊了中共 在北京奧運刻意營做的良好管理形像。試問為什麼中共國為什麼可以把北京奧運管理得井井有條,但是對奶商卻無能為力呢?同時,前者和後者都同時打擊了香港經 濟,更受金融海嘯打擊,可以說是禍不單行。留意一下中國歷史,發覺朝代的滅亡無一不是和大規模的天災有關,無他,封建制度有它的內在問題,天災期間只會把 它的壞影響放大,而每一個制度、系統都有它最大的錯誤容忍度,中共的管理制度其實並不比清朝的先進多少,但是它受到的考驗,卻是有史以來最多,因此有人曾 推算出中共的壽命不過今年,不是完全不合理。中共國亦是金融海嘯的受害者,一來它為了美國出席北京奧運,買了大量的美國房按債卷,見財化水;二來,美國及 歐洲經濟不景,自然打擊中共國的廉價產品工業,及投資者在中共國設廠的意欲,三來毒奶事件亦令中共國產品的商譽受極沉重的打擊。中共一向以來用經濟發展來 壓抑政治民主化的訴求,如今經濟這張牌已失效,能再用什麼方法呢?唯一的只是不斷的「歡樂今宵」,分散人民的注意力,但是「歡樂今宵」又只會加速經濟資源 的消秏,如此下去,中共國政治改革不夠快,始終都是死路一條。
我以為中共看不到神八、神九的發射,因為它為了辦好北京奧運,埋下了滅亡的種子,如今的國內外形勢,正好助長這些種子發芽成長。十六年前是預言,如今已成事實,只是不少人一廂情願地逃避現實。中共國滅亡,香港特區政府倒台,你預備好了沒有?
Are you better of than five years ago?
This is my campaign slogan if I ever join the election of Chief Executive in Hong Kong, I dare any candidate to use this slogan!
2008年10月13日 星期一
Emotional Memory hypothesis
I just thought of a relationship between emotion and memory: Since all memory are seem to be colored by affects, I suppose they are there precisely because they are emotional in nature. Emotion is not just a part of encoding process, it is also active in maintaining the content there. So when Psychoanalysis talk about Unconscious and Complex as some kind of mysterious psychological process, now I would suggest that Complex maybe simply a neurological mechanism evolved to preserve the memory, it has to be actively interfere with the present in order for that memory content to exist. Memory, therefore, I suppose could NOT be emotionally neutral. Unconscious process maybe simply a neurological mechanism that operated since the beginning of human race. Memory maybe a by-product derived later to serve the emotional system. We could thus now trying to see Psychoanalytic theory in light of its neurological correlate.
2008年10月6日 星期一
An issue of Causality in Psychology
I remember one time I was introduced to an experiment finding that human prepection process is very good at distinguishing action and facial expression in low definition picture. i.e. We could easily identify a hostile face from a blurred pictures. My question from that time till now is: Do we develop this capability after experience of exposing to real human facial expression? Or that is an inherent capability even before we are exposed to real human facial expression?
In the case of former, then we can deduced that logically, our Cognitive faculty through comparison with original template, thus is able to accurately guess from inadequate information presented. So that is a learned capability. On the other end, if we can recognize facial expression before we are exposed to them, that means the Cognitive faculty is prepared by evolution, it is especially adapted to recognize certain set of stimulates. Thus not all of the facial expression recognization capability is coming from learning.
That remain to be answered by psychology research.
In the case of former, then we can deduced that logically, our Cognitive faculty through comparison with original template, thus is able to accurately guess from inadequate information presented. So that is a learned capability. On the other end, if we can recognize facial expression before we are exposed to them, that means the Cognitive faculty is prepared by evolution, it is especially adapted to recognize certain set of stimulates. Thus not all of the facial expression recognization capability is coming from learning.
That remain to be answered by psychology research.
神七升空的一點感想
中國用了四五十年才和美俄打成平手,而不是用最新的技術,只是用中國的技術再重做一次別人已有的東西,算不上什麼新發明、新突破,只是比以前進步了一點點而已,進步是應有之義,唔通可以好似香港政制「五十、五百年不變」?
我的看法和最初和X先生合作時提倡新型水力發電機設計一樣,中國的水力發電廠,也是跟着洋鬼子的屁股,為什麼不可以自己的 科技創新和發明?又是用二、三十去倣做已經有世界專利(WIPO)的技制(水力鐹爐),中國進步了什麼,世界因此而得了什麼益呢?如果由已有的設計出發, 又或者完全從頭開始,以中國豐厚的天然資源、便宜的人工加上發明家的智力、創意,有什麼新的水力發電機設計不出來?同理,以四、五十年來開發無限能源 (Overunity)及慣性推動(即無反作用力推進)技術,神七示範就會是世界最先進的新技術、新發明,獨步天下,中國何須用老掉了牙的外國古老技術? 四、五十年時間,以中國得天獨厚的條件,及政府大力協助下,又可以產生幾多只有中國才有的新技術?而其實Overunity亦已經是古老技術了,中國還一 點都不懂!
古中國是發明大國,如今只是抄襲了別人一點點東西,便很高興,便自以為很了不起,有什麼好高興?高興中國是全世界最浪費人才的國家?如果中國真的重視人材,我現在怎不會在國家科學館中苦心鑽研,而是在這裏吹水?
Methodology issue of Evolutionary Psychology
From my last discussion of the theoretical issues of evolution as a hypothesis to be tested, it follows that any disciple derivative from it would suffer from the same issue. This is an example I remembered from the heyday of my Psychology class in University: It is about the idea of biological preparedness for learning in Behaviorism, the central tenet is that Phobic is a sort of evolutionary ‘leftover’. Therefore it is easy to learned and difficult to unlearn. Which to me it seems to implied part of causation chain is in the genes.
How to prove this assertion? That is the part make this example so memorable. The method is to ask ‘experts’ to judge how each phobic is related to the level of danger posed to human five thousand years ago. Thus, follow this strange logic, no wonder human is so easily to acquire fear of height, fear of snake, fear of spider! Because some of our ancestor has suffer from them therefore develop an inborn preparedness to learn to fear them. It is adaptive(during that time) to born with tendency for the fear of them since they will increase your chance of survival.
Does it sound like circular logic to you? My feeling at the time is: That is certainly a circular logic. How can anyone setup an experiment to test this ‘hypothesis’? Can anyone setup a null hypothesis to test against it? How can anyone to have an experiment to falsify this hypothesis? If this hypothesis is right, you certainly can’t find another human that doesn’t have this inborn tendency.(If this hypothesis is wrong, how can you distinguish it from other?) What can five or tend ‘expert’ judge give us useful information on the past? At least, we require anthropologist to test if the native who live in a native environment who are also born with these tendencies. Otherwise, how can we know for sure? Evolution is a retrospective science, thus by nature, it is difficult to assure of its internal validity, so do Evolutionary Psychology.
How to prove this assertion? That is the part make this example so memorable. The method is to ask ‘experts’ to judge how each phobic is related to the level of danger posed to human five thousand years ago. Thus, follow this strange logic, no wonder human is so easily to acquire fear of height, fear of snake, fear of spider! Because some of our ancestor has suffer from them therefore develop an inborn preparedness to learn to fear them. It is adaptive(during that time) to born with tendency for the fear of them since they will increase your chance of survival.
Does it sound like circular logic to you? My feeling at the time is: That is certainly a circular logic. How can anyone setup an experiment to test this ‘hypothesis’? Can anyone setup a null hypothesis to test against it? How can anyone to have an experiment to falsify this hypothesis? If this hypothesis is right, you certainly can’t find another human that doesn’t have this inborn tendency.(If this hypothesis is wrong, how can you distinguish it from other?) What can five or tend ‘expert’ judge give us useful information on the past? At least, we require anthropologist to test if the native who live in a native environment who are also born with these tendencies. Otherwise, how can we know for sure? Evolution is a retrospective science, thus by nature, it is difficult to assure of its internal validity, so do Evolutionary Psychology.
2008年9月20日 星期六
成人版七小福
(本文不適合任何者心智未成熟者觀看,後果自負!)
排第一的異能是透視眼,只可以看穿女性的衣服,最討厭的是被迫觀看醜婦的裸體,唯有用女人底褲擋眼;
排第二的異能是把陽具的大小長短轉換,保證所有女人滿意,最討厭是年紀大的怨婦,可用處女經血阻止;
排第三的異能是把身體縮少,專用來偷窺少女底褲,最討厭是肥妹,可用胸圍阻止;
排第四的異能是讀心術,專讀懷春少女的春情,伺機和她共赴巫山,但不可以控制少女的心思;
排第五的異能是入淫夢術,可以入任何女性的夢,和她翻雲覆雨,但最怕是被女性捉住逾時不歸,大傷元氣;
排第六的異能是淫字/畫術,可以令任何女性在看字或畫時中想入非非,產生陣陣紅暈,他可趁機輕薄;
排第七的異能是用手輕觸,即能令任何女性產生陣陣高潮,最怕是自己同時洩陽,失禮當場。
(只是人物介紹,以後的故事如何發展,看你們的了!務請列明出處!)
2008年9月19日 星期五
中產廣告一則
這應是十年前一則在電視的廣告了,它的對象是中產,賣的是位於名校區的一些樓房,大意是說為了下一代設想,快快搬入該樓房。因為住在該區的都是中或上等的社會階層,孩子不會接觸到下層人,可以快樂健康的成長。
原來在廣告商的想像中,所謂中產專業人仕,就是自絕於下層社會的人,孩子接觸到下層人仕,會污染他們的心靈,阻礙他們的成長。中產的特色就是潔廦,成長的 方式就是在被隔離的溫室生長,而專業就是用法律去壟斷某行業,使某社會階層成為世襲,不用接受太大的競爭。這是不是香港中產階級的意識形態反映?
我想到的是,用法律去壟斷某行業,使某社會階層成為世襲,付出的社會代價是減低社會各階級的流動性,間接損害自由經濟。另外,如此的中產階級是逃避了和佔 數量最大的下層接觸,其實不太利於在就業市場競爭,例如就不可能當經理等人事部職位,因為不懂下層的心態和行為;如果要經營生意的話,欠缺對社會各階層的 了解一定是致命毒藥;政治家就更不可能了。就是因為潔廦,而自困於某行業中不思進取,是不是它心目中最理想的中產生活?
原來在廣告商的想像中,所謂中產專業人仕,就是自絕於下層社會的人,孩子接觸到下層人仕,會污染他們的心靈,阻礙他們的成長。中產的特色就是潔廦,成長的 方式就是在被隔離的溫室生長,而專業就是用法律去壟斷某行業,使某社會階層成為世襲,不用接受太大的競爭。這是不是香港中產階級的意識形態反映?
我想到的是,用法律去壟斷某行業,使某社會階層成為世襲,付出的社會代價是減低社會各階級的流動性,間接損害自由經濟。另外,如此的中產階級是逃避了和佔 數量最大的下層接觸,其實不太利於在就業市場競爭,例如就不可能當經理等人事部職位,因為不懂下層的心態和行為;如果要經營生意的話,欠缺對社會各階層的 了解一定是致命毒藥;政治家就更不可能了。就是因為潔廦,而自困於某行業中不思進取,是不是它心目中最理想的中產生活?
2008年9月17日 星期三
物質主義的心理現實
香港式的物質至上主義其實在心理學上已經被證偽,因為不少研究指出,人的快樂並不是和物質的豐富程度直接掛釣,基本上,愈有錢愈快樂的說法並無具體事實證 明。而以整個國家為標準的研究,也反映不出物質的豐富程度和主觀的快樂感覺有什麼直接關係,其中最箸名的例子是亞洲窮國不丹,快樂指數是在世界上首屈一 指。其實,想一想,如果人的快樂並不是和物質的豐富程度直接掛釣,則我們可以推論出經濟繁榮國家的人民一定生活得比經濟落後國家的人民快樂(因此美國是世 界最快樂的國家!),而這個國家經濟繁榮的時侯,人民一定生活得比經濟蕭條時快樂。拿香港做例子,因為每年都有經濟增長,因此97年以後的香港一定比97 年前的香港快樂,但這顯然不是事實。
香港式的物質主義思想的最大問題是把心的運作物質化,一切以可以比較的數字來衡量,而又把心理運作過分簡化,心理運作之所以稱為心理,明顯因為它的運作是 多小獨立於物質層面之外。心理不是簡簡單單的運算及程式條件式: a:快樂, -a:不快樂,如果人的心理是如此簡單的話則人類亦不可以成為萬物之靈。我想問題是經濟學的思想未成熟,過份把人的行為簡化,而某些香港人,不想動 腦思考,因此便用一些最簡單的方式來運算來代替思考。
快樂的本質是什麼?我這裏只能猜想和腦神經的運作模式有關,但是這個運作模式亦是可以變的!
香港式的物質主義思想的最大問題是把心的運作物質化,一切以可以比較的數字來衡量,而又把心理運作過分簡化,心理運作之所以稱為心理,明顯因為它的運作是 多小獨立於物質層面之外。心理不是簡簡單單的運算及程式條件式: a:快樂, -a:不快樂,如果人的心理是如此簡單的話則人類亦不可以成為萬物之靈。我想問題是經濟學的思想未成熟,過份把人的行為簡化,而某些香港人,不想動 腦思考,因此便用一些最簡單的方式來運算來代替思考。
快樂的本質是什麼?我這裏只能猜想和腦神經的運作模式有關,但是這個運作模式亦是可以變的!
More thoughts on evolutionary theory
The hypothesis of Evolutionary theory is itself a tautology, it is a statement of simple Mathematical truth: Given anything that can reproduce itself, those who is more fitted for reproduction would have more ‘children’ then those who is less fitted. How can we tell the nature of reproductive fitness? We often do so by looking at the result of reproductive fitness itself, that certainly sound like a circular argument itself. The inherent difficulty of theory of evolution as a science is similar to History: Because we can’t do any historical experiment, and the question of external validity remain a headache for theory of evolution. It is difficult to exactly reproduce the historical condition when evolution happen, nor an experiment can be used to predict what has happened in the past.
Because evolution process had already happen, we simply can’t re-run the history to see what would happen otherwise, what we can do is to suggest the pathway which it may follow. However, there is always more than one pathway to arrive at the current result, therefore even if we manage to disprove one pathway doesn’t mean there is no way to get from here to there except by supernatural means. It is analogue to the idea of naturalism would can never disprove: How can anything beyond nature happened within the realm of nature? How to draw up an hypothesis or experiment that can give definite test to the theory of evolution itself? In what way we can disprove the process of evolution? In what way we can disprove tautology?
Because evolution process had already happen, we simply can’t re-run the history to see what would happen otherwise, what we can do is to suggest the pathway which it may follow. However, there is always more than one pathway to arrive at the current result, therefore even if we manage to disprove one pathway doesn’t mean there is no way to get from here to there except by supernatural means. It is analogue to the idea of naturalism would can never disprove: How can anything beyond nature happened within the realm of nature? How to draw up an hypothesis or experiment that can give definite test to the theory of evolution itself? In what way we can disprove the process of evolution? In what way we can disprove tautology?
有沒有人打算投訴ICAC中聯辦干預選舉?
各位,
最近頭腦不是太清醒,已有兩、三天沒有看報紙。
這不是選舉結果不結果的問題,這是原則的問題, 一國兩制,中國共產黨明顯不是屬於香港的,而基本法中亦有指本地政治組織不可以和外國有政治聯繫(包括台灣,但台灣不是中國的一部份嗎?),何以中共自己 可以豁免於外?綜觀世界各地的法例,一律是明令禁示有外國經濟、政治勢力介入的,只要有嫌疑選舉就失效。為什麼香港可以忍受中共三番四次插手操縱香港的選 舉?是不是香港人天生賤格,喜歡民意被歪曲,喜歡被強姦?抑或是97年以後香港全面中共化,原則不原則不是問題?這是哪門兒的法治?
有趣/可憎的事,明報社論大 字標題反對,為什麼它不可以像上次陳冠希一案中主動投訴ICAC,查明事實真相,盡一盡知識份子的責任?抑或是如97年以來不 少知識份子一樣,只罵泛民主派不爭氣,自己卻一點行動都沒有?哪是門兒的知識份子?更可恨的是,此事在蘋果日報已是公開的秘密,明報亦是傳媒,它可不可能 今日才知道?如此的知識份子,如此的公民良心?
此致
一香港人
2008年9月16日 星期二
Euler: The feeling I had when I shake your hand
Shall I call you the dearest person whom I want to give you the prefix Ms. C,
The day before yesterday I am standing outside the school you studied, eager to give you flower which I never gave any female before. I have already evaluated all possible consequence, include which you would outright reject me and throw the flower in the rubbish bin, then surely it is an relieve to me for this seeming non-reproached ‘love affair’ for 10 months. 10 months, what kind of man am I that can endure 10 months of your indifference toward me, and what is the motivation that propel me for that long period of time?
Now, it would be very old-fashion to said that is because of your unusual beauty, extraordinary intelligence, vast knowledge in Philosophy and Psychology, and Devil’s body that could drive any man crazy. Although in Psychology of Love, one or any combinations of above four factor could made any man infatuate with you so much he delude himself that you are the one, while at the same time deny the logic to be applied to other attractive females. However, none of above applied to me in this case, which is why I am writing this to you. In terms of my ‘Choice Theory of Love’, I think choice of love object merely as a conscious decision later with many unconscious attempts for justification. Forgive my poor expressive power, what I embedded in the theory is that it only describe the love process between layman and laywoman, that is to be distinguish from my idea of True Love.
For me, it is necessary for the True Love to have the quality of uniqueness and exclusiveness that can not be established/defended by logic, which is a feeling only hearts with organismic trust can comprehend. That is the shocking feeling I have when I shake your hand, which can never be explain by logic, reason, neurology of sexual arousal and psychoanalysis. I am a man mature enough to distinguish between the feeling of sexual arousal, excitement and infatuation; yet that is a feeling that is simply indescribable by any means of words. It satisfy the uniqueness and exclusiveness criteria that you as my ‘a prior’. I dated several times before, but however intimate we got, it is never as so strong, intense and shocking as the feeling of shaking your to me. To me, it is like the feeling of ‘Being one with Universe’, ‘Atonement’ or the peak of male orgasm; which the only comparable experience I had before is when I meditate in 16 which resulted in my ‘End of the World’ prophecy. It is the second time in my life, I thereby immediately know for certain that you are my Princess White.
What a shame on me to wait until this day to reveal that to you. Right at the moment I am in contact with your hand and look you in the eye, I literally shocked out of my conscious. If memory serves you, you must remember that dazing look on my face, silence and my unusually inarticulate speech to you. I call tell you never in my life my tongue is so tangled like that in front of a female, whether that person is my girlfriend or not. That is very unnatural to me. I dig into myself hard for reasons which I can never found, none of the physiological or neurological or psychological reaction from me that can happen just like lightening. Remember I never have any idea of who you are before, it is simply impossible for me to rationalize what happen.
All I could remember is, at the exact moment that happen. It is like a lightening strike into my mind. I could only remember images, visions and thoughts rushing into my unconscious mind like tremble. It is literally so much that my conscious mind can not handle and shut itself off. So I get the vague sense that I am in a dream-like state, and see the world like it was through glass, and I literally lost my soul. The sense of time is completely distorted, there appears to be two parallel time sequences going on: One in line with the physical time, another is running at extremely slow. My conscious is blurred, is that what people call Transcendence or Oneness with Universal Mind?
Then it just getting curiously strange, as soon as I try to recollect the whole experience I forgot them all, it is like my unconscious mind is actively blocking me from analyze any of it. Imagine my state of puzzlement in whole day, so I am distracted from the slogan of demonstration and all that, I simply can’t take my mind of that feeling even until now. From the limited evidences I collected, my conclusion is that my unconscious somehow ‘recognize’ you and take immediate action to shadow my memory of it. So later I even have difficulties in recognizing your face. My unconscious mind later repress this memory and downplay its importance to me on my relationship with you. So, forgive me, there was a moment in time I think astrology, numerology, Chinese astrology is the just the trick to get me to be in bed with you. I don’t know what really behind my unceasing effort of writing over 200 emails to you in a month before you reject me, with the later emails which contain more than thirty thousand Chinese character, which is 90% of all Chinese I ever written. It consume me over 200 hours of effort and countless lost of sleep. I am really amaze that the level of self-deception that my mind can afford.
Likewise, I think it is illogical that you don’t share at least a bit of my feeling when we shake hands. So your rejection of me after 1 month become the target of my wrath, since I think your unconscious is also playing tricks on you. You may just suppress this raw, primitive and feeling from the deepest recess of your mind like me, or you are so much fond of playing psychological games with other that you get lost in your own mind. When I look at the photos in your blog, I immediately get the sense of you being ‘Lost, Lack of Direction in Life’. Let me be the one who save your soul, who give your new direction and meaning in life, who make your life a walk in the heaven.
I never said such thing to any other female and I will never do so in the future. That is my promise and my swear. I recognize from the earliest day that we are two of a kind, just that you love the feeling of being lost in love affairs. You intentionally or unconsciously deny yourself the distinction between sexual arousal, psychological effect elicited by well organized situation and symbolism; and the Reckoning of Soul. My soul am deeply hurt by your careless words, and live only by the Hopes steaming from the Love of you. Please let our soul joined together in everlasting union.
My confidence in you that it is not as unsubstantiated as my hope for your love, because I belief once we joined hands, you simply can’t deny the feeling come directly from your soul. So you can never resist me. Our union would mean the completion of the sequence of destruction of this sick old world, and the forces from our bond can build the Heaven on Earth for all human being. All that begin with meeting of you in 7.1. demonstration, and end with your wise decision to join me. Do you want to bet on this? You got nothing to lost, I am willing to bet my whole life and everything on you. Would you like to find out the validity of my hypothesis?
I feel sad for you when you habitually trivialize the great phenomena of love as a merely a combination of the four factors in psychology, or a delusion afforded by our DNA for the sake of propagation of human animal through neurological mechanism. Thus you are self-deceiving and comprise your intellectual integrity by giving the uniqueness and exclusiveness to where it’s not due. Deep in your mind, you recognize every male that you are interested are similar to other males working hard to impress you, you just deny yourself this knowledge. I am the solution to this dilemma you created. Love base itself not in logic and rationality but gut feeling. Can you still feel your heart? Can you remember all of your feeling toward me right at the moment we meet?
In strict accordance to my own principles, I never said the same word twice. You can keep this in anyway, anywhere in any form you desired. This is the written proof of love from me, and I waive all my right to any change of terms.
The one whom lost his soul for you,
then waiting for you to give him back
Someone who love to call your soulmate
The day before yesterday I am standing outside the school you studied, eager to give you flower which I never gave any female before. I have already evaluated all possible consequence, include which you would outright reject me and throw the flower in the rubbish bin, then surely it is an relieve to me for this seeming non-reproached ‘love affair’ for 10 months. 10 months, what kind of man am I that can endure 10 months of your indifference toward me, and what is the motivation that propel me for that long period of time?
Now, it would be very old-fashion to said that is because of your unusual beauty, extraordinary intelligence, vast knowledge in Philosophy and Psychology, and Devil’s body that could drive any man crazy. Although in Psychology of Love, one or any combinations of above four factor could made any man infatuate with you so much he delude himself that you are the one, while at the same time deny the logic to be applied to other attractive females. However, none of above applied to me in this case, which is why I am writing this to you. In terms of my ‘Choice Theory of Love’, I think choice of love object merely as a conscious decision later with many unconscious attempts for justification. Forgive my poor expressive power, what I embedded in the theory is that it only describe the love process between layman and laywoman, that is to be distinguish from my idea of True Love.
For me, it is necessary for the True Love to have the quality of uniqueness and exclusiveness that can not be established/defended by logic, which is a feeling only hearts with organismic trust can comprehend. That is the shocking feeling I have when I shake your hand, which can never be explain by logic, reason, neurology of sexual arousal and psychoanalysis. I am a man mature enough to distinguish between the feeling of sexual arousal, excitement and infatuation; yet that is a feeling that is simply indescribable by any means of words. It satisfy the uniqueness and exclusiveness criteria that you as my ‘a prior’. I dated several times before, but however intimate we got, it is never as so strong, intense and shocking as the feeling of shaking your to me. To me, it is like the feeling of ‘Being one with Universe’, ‘Atonement’ or the peak of male orgasm; which the only comparable experience I had before is when I meditate in 16 which resulted in my ‘End of the World’ prophecy. It is the second time in my life, I thereby immediately know for certain that you are my Princess White.
What a shame on me to wait until this day to reveal that to you. Right at the moment I am in contact with your hand and look you in the eye, I literally shocked out of my conscious. If memory serves you, you must remember that dazing look on my face, silence and my unusually inarticulate speech to you. I call tell you never in my life my tongue is so tangled like that in front of a female, whether that person is my girlfriend or not. That is very unnatural to me. I dig into myself hard for reasons which I can never found, none of the physiological or neurological or psychological reaction from me that can happen just like lightening. Remember I never have any idea of who you are before, it is simply impossible for me to rationalize what happen.
All I could remember is, at the exact moment that happen. It is like a lightening strike into my mind. I could only remember images, visions and thoughts rushing into my unconscious mind like tremble. It is literally so much that my conscious mind can not handle and shut itself off. So I get the vague sense that I am in a dream-like state, and see the world like it was through glass, and I literally lost my soul. The sense of time is completely distorted, there appears to be two parallel time sequences going on: One in line with the physical time, another is running at extremely slow. My conscious is blurred, is that what people call Transcendence or Oneness with Universal Mind?
Then it just getting curiously strange, as soon as I try to recollect the whole experience I forgot them all, it is like my unconscious mind is actively blocking me from analyze any of it. Imagine my state of puzzlement in whole day, so I am distracted from the slogan of demonstration and all that, I simply can’t take my mind of that feeling even until now. From the limited evidences I collected, my conclusion is that my unconscious somehow ‘recognize’ you and take immediate action to shadow my memory of it. So later I even have difficulties in recognizing your face. My unconscious mind later repress this memory and downplay its importance to me on my relationship with you. So, forgive me, there was a moment in time I think astrology, numerology, Chinese astrology is the just the trick to get me to be in bed with you. I don’t know what really behind my unceasing effort of writing over 200 emails to you in a month before you reject me, with the later emails which contain more than thirty thousand Chinese character, which is 90% of all Chinese I ever written. It consume me over 200 hours of effort and countless lost of sleep. I am really amaze that the level of self-deception that my mind can afford.
Likewise, I think it is illogical that you don’t share at least a bit of my feeling when we shake hands. So your rejection of me after 1 month become the target of my wrath, since I think your unconscious is also playing tricks on you. You may just suppress this raw, primitive and feeling from the deepest recess of your mind like me, or you are so much fond of playing psychological games with other that you get lost in your own mind. When I look at the photos in your blog, I immediately get the sense of you being ‘Lost, Lack of Direction in Life’. Let me be the one who save your soul, who give your new direction and meaning in life, who make your life a walk in the heaven.
I never said such thing to any other female and I will never do so in the future. That is my promise and my swear. I recognize from the earliest day that we are two of a kind, just that you love the feeling of being lost in love affairs. You intentionally or unconsciously deny yourself the distinction between sexual arousal, psychological effect elicited by well organized situation and symbolism; and the Reckoning of Soul. My soul am deeply hurt by your careless words, and live only by the Hopes steaming from the Love of you. Please let our soul joined together in everlasting union.
My confidence in you that it is not as unsubstantiated as my hope for your love, because I belief once we joined hands, you simply can’t deny the feeling come directly from your soul. So you can never resist me. Our union would mean the completion of the sequence of destruction of this sick old world, and the forces from our bond can build the Heaven on Earth for all human being. All that begin with meeting of you in 7.1. demonstration, and end with your wise decision to join me. Do you want to bet on this? You got nothing to lost, I am willing to bet my whole life and everything on you. Would you like to find out the validity of my hypothesis?
I feel sad for you when you habitually trivialize the great phenomena of love as a merely a combination of the four factors in psychology, or a delusion afforded by our DNA for the sake of propagation of human animal through neurological mechanism. Thus you are self-deceiving and comprise your intellectual integrity by giving the uniqueness and exclusiveness to where it’s not due. Deep in your mind, you recognize every male that you are interested are similar to other males working hard to impress you, you just deny yourself this knowledge. I am the solution to this dilemma you created. Love base itself not in logic and rationality but gut feeling. Can you still feel your heart? Can you remember all of your feeling toward me right at the moment we meet?
In strict accordance to my own principles, I never said the same word twice. You can keep this in anyway, anywhere in any form you desired. This is the written proof of love from me, and I waive all my right to any change of terms.
The one whom lost his soul for you,
then waiting for you to give him back
Someone who love to call your soulmate
To find common Divisor for any 2 number
There is a method commonly known for finding the greatest common divisor between any 2 number. It work like this:
75=36*2+3,
36=3*12
So 3 is greatest common divisor of 75 and 36.
Why does this work?
We could see 75=(3*12)*2+3=3*(12*2+1)
Suppose for any two different number, X and Y.
X=Y*M1+R1
Then repeat the process:
Y=R1*M2+R2, or X=(R1*M2+R2)*M1+R1=R1*M1*M2+R2*MI+R1
If R1=0 then the process is completed, we have Y=R1*M1*M2+R1=R1*(M1*M2+1), R1 is the common divisor for X and Y; If not,
R1=R2*M3+R3 or
X=(R2*M3+R3)*M1*M2+R2*MI+(R2*M3+R3)=R2*M1*M2*M3+R3*M1*M2+R2*MI
=R2*(M1*M2*M3+M1)+R3*M1*M2
If R3=0 then the process is completed, we have Y=R2*(M1*M2*M3+M1), R2 is the common divisor for X and Y; If not, we can continue the process indefinitely. Notice that the last term in the right will disappear eventually.
In layperson’s language, we first found out the remainder of the greater number divided by smaller number, then use the remainder to test whether the smaller number is a multiple of the remainder. If it is the case, then the common divisor is the remainder itself. If not, then we test the remainder of the smaller number as divided by the remainder in the last operation. If it is the case, then the common divisor is the remainder in this operation. So the idea is to keep looking for the common divisor in the remainder term until we found it.
75=36*2+3,
36=3*12
So 3 is greatest common divisor of 75 and 36.
Why does this work?
We could see 75=(3*12)*2+3=3*(12*2+1)
Suppose for any two different number, X and Y.
X=Y*M1+R1
Then repeat the process:
Y=R1*M2+R2, or X=(R1*M2+R2)*M1+R1=R1*M1*M2+R2*MI+R1
If R1=0 then the process is completed, we have Y=R1*M1*M2+R1=R1*(M1*M2+1), R1 is the common divisor for X and Y; If not,
R1=R2*M3+R3 or
X=(R2*M3+R3)*M1*M2+R2*MI+(R2*M3+R3)=R2*M1*M2*M3+R3*M1*M2+R2*MI
=R2*(M1*M2*M3+M1)+R3*M1*M2
If R3=0 then the process is completed, we have Y=R2*(M1*M2*M3+M1), R2 is the common divisor for X and Y; If not, we can continue the process indefinitely. Notice that the last term in the right will disappear eventually.
In layperson’s language, we first found out the remainder of the greater number divided by smaller number, then use the remainder to test whether the smaller number is a multiple of the remainder. If it is the case, then the common divisor is the remainder itself. If not, then we test the remainder of the smaller number as divided by the remainder in the last operation. If it is the case, then the common divisor is the remainder in this operation. So the idea is to keep looking for the common divisor in the remainder term until we found it.
依然是非常重要的話—我生存不可沒有你
前天買了花,然後送花,誰不知香港的中學到今天依然是用隔離的方法去「對付外人」,似乎任何中學都承繼了中國的內外有別文化。外面=壞,內面=好, 以同一年齡來算比我還聰明的人,怎麼會選了如此的一間「介備深嚴」的中學來讀?在互聯網無孔不入的時代,基督教去管教「學生」的方法,依然是走不出舊式保守思想的死胡同。或者真的該問一問校長,我送花給一名中七的女生如何可以在消費感情的時代背景下如何腐敗其他學生?他的心理學理據在哪兒,有什麼研究支持?有沒有想到如此銷國式管治對中學生的壞影響?在外國,朋友之間也可以送花,收花不一定要在床上見,如此的思維邏緝,到底我是在太平天國還是香港?
結果今天我買的是玫瑰花,和前天買的花躺在我家,和我的一樣等死。當然是等死,沒有希望的人生,在沒有未來的都市,由沒有未來的國家統治,這是任何頭腦清醒的人都可以想到的。我的性格不是妥協型,不過據說學校再發現我的話會記你的缺點。我會以為,愛到迷頭迷腦的時侯,還理如此荒謬的操行來乾什麼?你不是真的以為以品學兼優,升上大學會有前途?你不是沒有修經濟的,知不知道供求定律?再者,你為了小小的操行而不理制度背後的合理性,你又如何稱自己為無神論者?不再想了,否則我又打算變掛放棄你。
我想我不可以天天以如此的方式去想念你,因為如此一來,我不單生活有問題,快要連生存都有問題,收不到你的回應,飯不下嚥,吃不甘味。可能戀愛是保持身裁苗條的一好方法,昨天吃不下,前天又吃不下,今天連煮都免了。我是如此情緒化的人,今天的工作量是零,寫給你的信是例外。我慢慢明白為什麼你是如此喜歡「和稀泥」愛情,既不甜也不苦,最重要是可以學業如常,生活如常,一切沉悶、無聊、反智如常;因為你怕受傷害,你不會想知道什麼是最好的食物都沒有味道, 甚至連餓飽都忘了的感覺。但沒有極悲,又如何有極樂呢?人要經歷極悲、極樂才可以算是完整的人,才可以成長,有我在你身旁,集我們兩位天才之力有什麼事是撐不來?如果你怕極悲、極樂,則你一生最好都不要談戀愛,你的冒險精神又去哪兒呢?你是對自己沒有信心,還是對我沒有信心?
我的真心話,愛上你而又得你的心令我很痛苦,但比起沒有愛情,不知方向的空虛,還是可以接受。還是老一句,你愛我一分,我愛你十分,你對我忠心,我比你更忠心,你背叛我,我必以千部來報複。我不怕發動一場世界大戰來得到你,就算是核子彈把我炸到灰飛煙消,我的心沒有一刻會離開你。世上只有你最配我,亦只有我最配你。
還再想什麼: 有花須折直須折,莫待無花無折技!
在你中迷失,再在你中找回自己的人
結果今天我買的是玫瑰花,和前天買的花躺在我家,和我的一樣等死。當然是等死,沒有希望的人生,在沒有未來的都市,由沒有未來的國家統治,這是任何頭腦清醒的人都可以想到的。我的性格不是妥協型,不過據說學校再發現我的話會記你的缺點。我會以為,愛到迷頭迷腦的時侯,還理如此荒謬的操行來乾什麼?你不是真的以為以品學兼優,升上大學會有前途?你不是沒有修經濟的,知不知道供求定律?再者,你為了小小的操行而不理制度背後的合理性,你又如何稱自己為無神論者?不再想了,否則我又打算變掛放棄你。
我想我不可以天天以如此的方式去想念你,因為如此一來,我不單生活有問題,快要連生存都有問題,收不到你的回應,飯不下嚥,吃不甘味。可能戀愛是保持身裁苗條的一好方法,昨天吃不下,前天又吃不下,今天連煮都免了。我是如此情緒化的人,今天的工作量是零,寫給你的信是例外。我慢慢明白為什麼你是如此喜歡「和稀泥」愛情,既不甜也不苦,最重要是可以學業如常,生活如常,一切沉悶、無聊、反智如常;因為你怕受傷害,你不會想知道什麼是最好的食物都沒有味道, 甚至連餓飽都忘了的感覺。但沒有極悲,又如何有極樂呢?人要經歷極悲、極樂才可以算是完整的人,才可以成長,有我在你身旁,集我們兩位天才之力有什麼事是撐不來?如果你怕極悲、極樂,則你一生最好都不要談戀愛,你的冒險精神又去哪兒呢?你是對自己沒有信心,還是對我沒有信心?
我的真心話,愛上你而又得你的心令我很痛苦,但比起沒有愛情,不知方向的空虛,還是可以接受。還是老一句,你愛我一分,我愛你十分,你對我忠心,我比你更忠心,你背叛我,我必以千部來報複。我不怕發動一場世界大戰來得到你,就算是核子彈把我炸到灰飛煙消,我的心沒有一刻會離開你。世上只有你最配我,亦只有我最配你。
還再想什麼: 有花須折直須折,莫待無花無折技!
在你中迷失,再在你中找回自己的人
2008年9月14日 星期日
非常重要的說話—握你手的感覺
我最想成為我妻子的XX,
前天除了想送花給你,算是一種了斷,如果你當時當面拒絕我,我會傷心但會如釋重擔,10個月的擔子真的很痛。我想告訴您,是什麼原因可以撐我達十個月之久,想喜歡心理學的你一定有興趣知。
不是最老土的你有什麼不平凡的長相、過人的聰明、相當豐厚的心理學知識,又或者身材令人想入非非。一切單獨條件和組合對一般人都可以是十足的理由,就算他們對另一位異位有同樣的感覺,都會當前一位的感覺是唯一的。這是我提及的愛情決擇理論,意識事後為事前的決定找過漂亮的理由。我的用意是說,這只是凡夫俗子的愛情,沒有什麼深奧的唯一性及大智慧在內。你給我的是一剎那觸電的感覺,一種我在與異性握手以致拖手時都未曾有過的感覺,對我來說是非常非常的震撼, 說出來真羞家,我的潛意識一直壓抑了「我被這種感覺所迷」的全部記憶,我真的以為是紫微斗數的論據、星座、時辰八字、數字學、姓名學以致心理分析可以證明我們是天生一對。但我一直忘記了,這些只可以在事後證明是否合拍,將來的發展會如何,但沒有一個以至全部可以提供一個先驗的理由,提供不可以用邏緝分析推出來或排斥的唯一性。有一段時間,我也以為你只是我衆多的心理遊戲對象之一,我以為自己和一般凡夫俗子一樣,都是利用這些客觀的數字來堆磡和你上床的理由。沒讀心理學的人不會明白我在說什麼,一來是遺忘了這段經歷,二來更高超的手段是使我不自覺地把這段經歷當成平凡的事。
如此平凡的事,如此震撼的感覺,只發生了兩次,上一次是在我打座時看到的「世界未日」預言期間。如果你有一點印象,你會留意到我在握你手前後的反應是相當呆滯,而口齒亦相當不流利。我當時亦很納悶,就算是即時對你有好感,因而產生怕羞的感覺,亦沒有可能有這樣的快,和如此的入心入肺。我當時只覺得好像是打開了某一扇的心門,有大量不同的影像和思想湧進來,一時間我的意識完全不懂如何處理,而我又有仿如身在夢中的感覺,有點像三魂唔見了七魄,最奇怪的是時間有一點被歪曲了的感覺,忽然有兩種時間並行,一種快一種慢,一方面看到外面的世界好像有點模糊及不清楚,另一方面又是正常的意識。如果你有留意一下我,你會發覺我似乎一直在發呆,因為我想捕捉這一閃即逝,非常模糊但奇怪的感覺,有點像transcendence 或 oneness with the universe,難聽一點是性愛最高峰的感覺(但在生理上不覺有任何的性興奮,亦不可能如此的快)。奇怪的事,就只是和你握完手剎那間,我又似乎完全遺忘了這種感覺,我記性不至於是如此的差,居然不到十秒鐘便忘記之前的感覺?
這種感覺,不單是和其他異性握手時沒有,就是拍拖時手拖手亦沒有,我的潛意識因此認定你一定就是具唯一性的這個人,而意識後來做的事,其實是為潛意識的動機找籍口。我亦因此認定,你在收了我一個月共二百多封電郵後再拒絕我是你有心隱瞞事實,是你有心逃避自己最心底、最原始、最真實的感覺。不可能我感受到震撼,而你竟然一點反應都沒有,你欺騙自己同時在嚴重傷害我,我不知你又和自己在玩什麼心理遊戲,最後受傷的一定是你自己。如果不是這種感覺,世上再沒有人可以令我寫二百多封電郵共三萬多字,用了二百小時以上,然後被你拒絕後不知再寫了幾多封,我想寫給你的中文字(別忘記我打中文是很慢的)是我的一生人的90%,竭而不捨地寫了八個月?如此的投入全因這種「失億」感覺令我100%認定,我們的緣份是天註定,再不會有任何的人可以如此的震撼我的靈魂。
我從來未曾和任何異性說過雷同的話,一字一句,直接出自真心。我以為你有和我同質的靈魂,只是你太沉迷於愛情的迷失感覺中,分不清什麼是由性興奮帶來的快感、什麼是用文字/場景刻意經營的心理效果、什麼是由靈魂深處發出的震撼。我的靈魂,曾經受創傷,但仍健在,它以愛和希望來生存。我見過沒有靈魂的人,但我當我看到你的相片,你只是迷失,你的靈魂尚在掙扎求存,請讓我來和你一生一世共同分享,這種和宇宙合一的奇妙感覺!
我是如此的有信心,因為我的直覺肯定當我們雙手一握,你將無法抗拒這種來自靈魂深處的震撼,我們的結合將代表舊世界的全面崩潰,世界為我們預備了一個最美麗的將來;這一切,由握你手的一刻開始,由你的決定作結。我可以放膽賭一舖,我可以把身家、性命、財產、靈魂全放在一個單是握手就可以為我帶來天人合一感覺的人;你夠不夠膽?你是否對任何一位異性,都有如此大的信心?亦或你把戀愛平凡化了,位位都是相差無幾?位位都是你事後創造出來的感覺來欺騙自己?你的愛情觀裏,沒有前世註定,沒有來世,什麼都是腦神經為繁殖下一代而做出來的幻影?
我這一世不會再說同樣的話兩次!你可以留下來,公諸於世,以任何方式保存,是為千秋萬世的明證,決不變心。我的路走完了,而且決不走回頭路,只要你肯和我一同走的話。
當你無法去分辨真假時,用你的直覺,忘記你的理性和邏緝吧!
此致
因你而迷失,再因你而找回自我
永遠愛你,此志不渝的
前天除了想送花給你,算是一種了斷,如果你當時當面拒絕我,我會傷心但會如釋重擔,10個月的擔子真的很痛。我想告訴您,是什麼原因可以撐我達十個月之久,想喜歡心理學的你一定有興趣知。
不是最老土的你有什麼不平凡的長相、過人的聰明、相當豐厚的心理學知識,又或者身材令人想入非非。一切單獨條件和組合對一般人都可以是十足的理由,就算他們對另一位異位有同樣的感覺,都會當前一位的感覺是唯一的。這是我提及的愛情決擇理論,意識事後為事前的決定找過漂亮的理由。我的用意是說,這只是凡夫俗子的愛情,沒有什麼深奧的唯一性及大智慧在內。你給我的是一剎那觸電的感覺,一種我在與異性握手以致拖手時都未曾有過的感覺,對我來說是非常非常的震撼, 說出來真羞家,我的潛意識一直壓抑了「我被這種感覺所迷」的全部記憶,我真的以為是紫微斗數的論據、星座、時辰八字、數字學、姓名學以致心理分析可以證明我們是天生一對。但我一直忘記了,這些只可以在事後證明是否合拍,將來的發展會如何,但沒有一個以至全部可以提供一個先驗的理由,提供不可以用邏緝分析推出來或排斥的唯一性。有一段時間,我也以為你只是我衆多的心理遊戲對象之一,我以為自己和一般凡夫俗子一樣,都是利用這些客觀的數字來堆磡和你上床的理由。沒讀心理學的人不會明白我在說什麼,一來是遺忘了這段經歷,二來更高超的手段是使我不自覺地把這段經歷當成平凡的事。
如此平凡的事,如此震撼的感覺,只發生了兩次,上一次是在我打座時看到的「世界未日」預言期間。如果你有一點印象,你會留意到我在握你手前後的反應是相當呆滯,而口齒亦相當不流利。我當時亦很納悶,就算是即時對你有好感,因而產生怕羞的感覺,亦沒有可能有這樣的快,和如此的入心入肺。我當時只覺得好像是打開了某一扇的心門,有大量不同的影像和思想湧進來,一時間我的意識完全不懂如何處理,而我又有仿如身在夢中的感覺,有點像三魂唔見了七魄,最奇怪的是時間有一點被歪曲了的感覺,忽然有兩種時間並行,一種快一種慢,一方面看到外面的世界好像有點模糊及不清楚,另一方面又是正常的意識。如果你有留意一下我,你會發覺我似乎一直在發呆,因為我想捕捉這一閃即逝,非常模糊但奇怪的感覺,有點像transcendence 或 oneness with the universe,難聽一點是性愛最高峰的感覺(但在生理上不覺有任何的性興奮,亦不可能如此的快)。奇怪的事,就只是和你握完手剎那間,我又似乎完全遺忘了這種感覺,我記性不至於是如此的差,居然不到十秒鐘便忘記之前的感覺?
這種感覺,不單是和其他異性握手時沒有,就是拍拖時手拖手亦沒有,我的潛意識因此認定你一定就是具唯一性的這個人,而意識後來做的事,其實是為潛意識的動機找籍口。我亦因此認定,你在收了我一個月共二百多封電郵後再拒絕我是你有心隱瞞事實,是你有心逃避自己最心底、最原始、最真實的感覺。不可能我感受到震撼,而你竟然一點反應都沒有,你欺騙自己同時在嚴重傷害我,我不知你又和自己在玩什麼心理遊戲,最後受傷的一定是你自己。如果不是這種感覺,世上再沒有人可以令我寫二百多封電郵共三萬多字,用了二百小時以上,然後被你拒絕後不知再寫了幾多封,我想寫給你的中文字(別忘記我打中文是很慢的)是我的一生人的90%,竭而不捨地寫了八個月?如此的投入全因這種「失億」感覺令我100%認定,我們的緣份是天註定,再不會有任何的人可以如此的震撼我的靈魂。
我從來未曾和任何異性說過雷同的話,一字一句,直接出自真心。我以為你有和我同質的靈魂,只是你太沉迷於愛情的迷失感覺中,分不清什麼是由性興奮帶來的快感、什麼是用文字/場景刻意經營的心理效果、什麼是由靈魂深處發出的震撼。我的靈魂,曾經受創傷,但仍健在,它以愛和希望來生存。我見過沒有靈魂的人,但我當我看到你的相片,你只是迷失,你的靈魂尚在掙扎求存,請讓我來和你一生一世共同分享,這種和宇宙合一的奇妙感覺!
我是如此的有信心,因為我的直覺肯定當我們雙手一握,你將無法抗拒這種來自靈魂深處的震撼,我們的結合將代表舊世界的全面崩潰,世界為我們預備了一個最美麗的將來;這一切,由握你手的一刻開始,由你的決定作結。我可以放膽賭一舖,我可以把身家、性命、財產、靈魂全放在一個單是握手就可以為我帶來天人合一感覺的人;你夠不夠膽?你是否對任何一位異性,都有如此大的信心?亦或你把戀愛平凡化了,位位都是相差無幾?位位都是你事後創造出來的感覺來欺騙自己?你的愛情觀裏,沒有前世註定,沒有來世,什麼都是腦神經為繁殖下一代而做出來的幻影?
我這一世不會再說同樣的話兩次!你可以留下來,公諸於世,以任何方式保存,是為千秋萬世的明證,決不變心。我的路走完了,而且決不走回頭路,只要你肯和我一同走的話。
當你無法去分辨真假時,用你的直覺,忘記你的理性和邏緝吧!
此致
因你而迷失,再因你而找回自我
永遠愛你,此志不渝的
2008年9月13日 星期六
轉載:中秋節文化宣言
一年一度秋風勁。在中國大陸第一個中秋節（9月14日）法定公休日來臨之際，我們放眼世界，回看歷史，追溯我們祖先追求自由的傳統，召回他們追求自由的勇氣。
中秋節的傳說中，最震撼人心的，莫過於傳說月餅曾傳遞人們追求自由、反抗暴政的信息。
歷史記載：公元13世紀到14世紀中葉，在蒙元汗國暴政的統治下，奴隸大雜院中人分四等，第一等是征服者階層蒙古人，第二等是色目人，第三等是漢人（指中原先征服的各族），第四等為南人（江南人），蒙元汗國實施種族歧視和剝奪自由政策，不僅每隔幾年就重申禁止漢人擁有兵器、養馬、煉鐵等禁令，也禁止漢人學習蒙古文。蒙古人毆殺漢人不必償命，賠一頭驢子的價錢即可。在這種暴政之下，人民奮起反抗暴政。
中國傳說：朱元璋聯合各路反抗力量準備起義。但蒙元官兵搜查十分嚴密，傳遞消息十分困難。軍師劉伯溫便想出一計策，命令屬下把藏有「8月15夜起義」的紙條藏入月餅裡面，再派人分頭傳送到各地起義軍中，通知他們在8月15日晚上起義響應。到了起義的那天，各路義軍一齊響應，人民抗暴勢不可擋。
這個追求自由平等，反抗強權，用月餅作為媒體傳遞信息的故事，寄托了中國人民美好的期望。
今天，當人們在購買、食用中國傳統美食——月餅時，有多少人能知道蒙元汗國種族歧視的野蠻史和中華祖先反抗暴政、追求自由的智慧？有多少人能思考：當文字獄瘋狂的年代，別說月餅傳遞反抗的信息，吟一首詩歌、寫篇文章也會鋃鐺入獄、身死名裂、凌遲處斬、株連九族？有多少人能思考：在人類文明的先進成果互聯網上，每天蒸發、屏蔽的帖子有多少？有多少防火牆和網管、五毛在偷偷摸摸地行動，阻斷思想和言論的自由傳播，把我們民族弱智、恐嚇、退化為野蠻人？！
為此，我們在中秋節前夕發出三點呼籲
1.我們一方面要把中秋節過成中國人尊重傳統、尊重家庭親情的節日，一方面也要把中秋節過成中國言論自由節。我們要衝破一切心靈內外的枷鎖，自由地表達我們對世界的看法。一切箝制言論自由的屠夫與掠奪者，必將遭到我們的唾棄。
2. 我們認為，體育上的金牌固然是中國人競技體育進步的標誌，但言論自由的金牌，民選票選的金牌，才是每個中華民族的兒女應該努力追求、無比渴望的。傳說我們的祖先曾經用月餅來偷渡他們追求自由的信息，他們的月餅是他們勇氣和自由當之無愧的金牌。當我們回憶祖先追求自由的光榮傳統，在未來若干年，如果言論自由節的設想能付諸實現，言論自由金牌的模樣一定要參照月餅設計。
3.鑒於幾年前韓國端午祭成功申請為世界非物質文化遺產，中國朝野不僅有了對傳統節日申遺的緊迫感，也在張羅把中秋節申報為世界非物質文化遺產，我們特別提醒中國朝野諸公：中國中秋節的文化傳統的精髓就在於這個作為自由媒介的月餅。塞了起義字條的月餅，就是中國式的「萊剋星頓的槍聲」！
對於我們來說，言論自由甚至比衣食更加重要，言論自由是區分一個人是奴隸還是自由人的顯著標誌。
「幸福是自由的果實，自由是勇氣的果實。」我們在年年中秋節的夜晚，想起我們祖先追求自由、反抗暴政的勇氣與智慧，我們確信我們的呼籲儘管是爭議性話題，但終將被人們討論。
發起人、執筆人：凌滄洲（北京學者，資深媒體人）
聯署人：
凌滄洲（北京學者，資深媒體人）
田路（北京期刊主編）
滕彪（北京學者）
昝愛宗（浙江作家）
冉雲飛（四川學者）
趙國君（北京學者）
許志永（北京學者）
張星水（北京學者）
杜兆勇（北京學者）
李愚（北京期刊編輯）
張亦剛（廣州期刊編輯）
黃梓峰（北京報紙編輯）
莊道鶴（浙江學者）
溫克堅（浙江學者）
中秋節的傳說中，最震撼人心的，莫過於傳說月餅曾傳遞人們追求自由、反抗暴政的信息。
歷史記載：公元13世紀到14世紀中葉，在蒙元汗國暴政的統治下，奴隸大雜院中人分四等，第一等是征服者階層蒙古人，第二等是色目人，第三等是漢人（指中原先征服的各族），第四等為南人（江南人），蒙元汗國實施種族歧視和剝奪自由政策，不僅每隔幾年就重申禁止漢人擁有兵器、養馬、煉鐵等禁令，也禁止漢人學習蒙古文。蒙古人毆殺漢人不必償命，賠一頭驢子的價錢即可。在這種暴政之下，人民奮起反抗暴政。
中國傳說：朱元璋聯合各路反抗力量準備起義。但蒙元官兵搜查十分嚴密，傳遞消息十分困難。軍師劉伯溫便想出一計策，命令屬下把藏有「8月15夜起義」的紙條藏入月餅裡面，再派人分頭傳送到各地起義軍中，通知他們在8月15日晚上起義響應。到了起義的那天，各路義軍一齊響應，人民抗暴勢不可擋。
這個追求自由平等，反抗強權，用月餅作為媒體傳遞信息的故事，寄托了中國人民美好的期望。
今天，當人們在購買、食用中國傳統美食——月餅時，有多少人能知道蒙元汗國種族歧視的野蠻史和中華祖先反抗暴政、追求自由的智慧？有多少人能思考：當文字獄瘋狂的年代，別說月餅傳遞反抗的信息，吟一首詩歌、寫篇文章也會鋃鐺入獄、身死名裂、凌遲處斬、株連九族？有多少人能思考：在人類文明的先進成果互聯網上，每天蒸發、屏蔽的帖子有多少？有多少防火牆和網管、五毛在偷偷摸摸地行動，阻斷思想和言論的自由傳播，把我們民族弱智、恐嚇、退化為野蠻人？！
為此，我們在中秋節前夕發出三點呼籲
1.我們一方面要把中秋節過成中國人尊重傳統、尊重家庭親情的節日，一方面也要把中秋節過成中國言論自由節。我們要衝破一切心靈內外的枷鎖，自由地表達我們對世界的看法。一切箝制言論自由的屠夫與掠奪者，必將遭到我們的唾棄。
2. 我們認為，體育上的金牌固然是中國人競技體育進步的標誌，但言論自由的金牌，民選票選的金牌，才是每個中華民族的兒女應該努力追求、無比渴望的。傳說我們的祖先曾經用月餅來偷渡他們追求自由的信息，他們的月餅是他們勇氣和自由當之無愧的金牌。當我們回憶祖先追求自由的光榮傳統，在未來若干年，如果言論自由節的設想能付諸實現，言論自由金牌的模樣一定要參照月餅設計。
3.鑒於幾年前韓國端午祭成功申請為世界非物質文化遺產，中國朝野不僅有了對傳統節日申遺的緊迫感，也在張羅把中秋節申報為世界非物質文化遺產，我們特別提醒中國朝野諸公：中國中秋節的文化傳統的精髓就在於這個作為自由媒介的月餅。塞了起義字條的月餅，就是中國式的「萊剋星頓的槍聲」！
對於我們來說，言論自由甚至比衣食更加重要，言論自由是區分一個人是奴隸還是自由人的顯著標誌。
「幸福是自由的果實，自由是勇氣的果實。」我們在年年中秋節的夜晚，想起我們祖先追求自由、反抗暴政的勇氣與智慧，我們確信我們的呼籲儘管是爭議性話題，但終將被人們討論。
發起人、執筆人：凌滄洲（北京學者，資深媒體人）
聯署人：
凌滄洲（北京學者，資深媒體人）
田路（北京期刊主編）
滕彪（北京學者）
昝愛宗（浙江作家）
冉雲飛（四川學者）
趙國君（北京學者）
許志永（北京學者）
張星水（北京學者）
杜兆勇（北京學者）
李愚（北京期刊編輯）
張亦剛（廣州期刊編輯）
黃梓峰（北京報紙編輯）
莊道鶴（浙江學者）
溫克堅（浙江學者）
2008年9月11日 星期四
Is evolutionary theory a better ‘explanation’?
There is a growing debate between the Creationism and Evolutionary Theory in USA as raised by Christian Right, and, of course it argue that the former is a better explanation than later, while scientist argue otherwise. Although this is the topic of my thesis paper when I was studying in a Christian College, I am not going to dwell into this issue here. There are good discussion of it on the Internet. My point here is to play Devil’s Advocate on the common sense that evolutionary theory in Biology is a better explanation.
What people often missed in the debate is what is qualified as an explanation? I would like argue for the point that although Creationism is not consider as an explanation since it replace one unknown with another, there are some issues associated with calling evolutionary theory an ‘explanation’.
Evolutionary Theory belong to realm of science, what essentially it gave is the how of the process of evolution but not the why. Some has considered that science is not suited to answer this set of questions. Although once we know the process, we can extend the theory to test its external validity(see if it can made accurate prediction), or even applied that to application in daily life (genetics); but can process be consider as ‘explanation’? Does knowing how we breath ‘explain’ what is breathing? Does knowing how our mind works means we can understand what our mind is? What I believe is that evolutionary theory is only the first layer of onion, the process of peeling the onion could go on indefinitely as we want it. Suppose we get the Physicist’s holy grail: ‘Theory of Everything’. Does it means not that we can further ask: Why is Theory of Everything is one way but not the another? Can we dig further into TOE and understand how is what it is? Therefore I could sympathy with religionists stop the investigation in the very first step, they may just know that they can’t finish peeling the onion, and they want to save time to do something else.
Evolutionary theory, in my opinion, by its nature is not really about explanation but predicting what is going to happen next, because what it said essentially is: Now is because of what is happened in the past led to this now but not the other now, follow logics from Mathematics and Statistics; plus some accidents.’ Thus Evolutionary theory, like history, suffer the same problem as it belong to ‘retrospective’ science. We can’t verify how history develop since we can’t test one hypothesis against another in the sense that the past is gone. How could we know what happen if ‘Martin Luther King is not murdered?’, or ‘Al Gore instead of George W. Bush is elected in 2004′? Similarly, although we can do experiment to test the hypothesis in the laboratory, but we can never be sure that the parameters in the laboratory is identical to the parameters of the part of evolutionary history we inquire. Therefore, the internal validity of experiments against hypothesis in evolutionary theory can never be completely ascertained (unless we have a time traveling machine to collect the sample from the past). And we also must not ignore that evolutionary process is full of accidents, since we don’t know exactly how those accidents happen, therefore the ‘explanation’ afforded by evolution theory can never be completed. It is not the fault of this theory itself, but because of the nature of object we inquire about. But it never rules out that there maybe better methods and framework (other than the scientific method) to understand the phenomenas of what evolution theory talked about.
Thus my conclusion is ‘Evolutionary theory’ is the better one at least because it could be argue against, and we can use this framework to build more powerful explanation; as compare to Creationism which can never be objectively falsify. Notice there is a philosophical bias toward intellectualism: Those which allow we to think and argue must be better than those doesn’t allow to think. Why must this be right?
What people often missed in the debate is what is qualified as an explanation? I would like argue for the point that although Creationism is not consider as an explanation since it replace one unknown with another, there are some issues associated with calling evolutionary theory an ‘explanation’.
Evolutionary Theory belong to realm of science, what essentially it gave is the how of the process of evolution but not the why. Some has considered that science is not suited to answer this set of questions. Although once we know the process, we can extend the theory to test its external validity(see if it can made accurate prediction), or even applied that to application in daily life (genetics); but can process be consider as ‘explanation’? Does knowing how we breath ‘explain’ what is breathing? Does knowing how our mind works means we can understand what our mind is? What I believe is that evolutionary theory is only the first layer of onion, the process of peeling the onion could go on indefinitely as we want it. Suppose we get the Physicist’s holy grail: ‘Theory of Everything’. Does it means not that we can further ask: Why is Theory of Everything is one way but not the another? Can we dig further into TOE and understand how is what it is? Therefore I could sympathy with religionists stop the investigation in the very first step, they may just know that they can’t finish peeling the onion, and they want to save time to do something else.
Evolutionary theory, in my opinion, by its nature is not really about explanation but predicting what is going to happen next, because what it said essentially is: Now is because of what is happened in the past led to this now but not the other now, follow logics from Mathematics and Statistics; plus some accidents.’ Thus Evolutionary theory, like history, suffer the same problem as it belong to ‘retrospective’ science. We can’t verify how history develop since we can’t test one hypothesis against another in the sense that the past is gone. How could we know what happen if ‘Martin Luther King is not murdered?’, or ‘Al Gore instead of George W. Bush is elected in 2004′? Similarly, although we can do experiment to test the hypothesis in the laboratory, but we can never be sure that the parameters in the laboratory is identical to the parameters of the part of evolutionary history we inquire. Therefore, the internal validity of experiments against hypothesis in evolutionary theory can never be completely ascertained (unless we have a time traveling machine to collect the sample from the past). And we also must not ignore that evolutionary process is full of accidents, since we don’t know exactly how those accidents happen, therefore the ‘explanation’ afforded by evolution theory can never be completed. It is not the fault of this theory itself, but because of the nature of object we inquire about. But it never rules out that there maybe better methods and framework (other than the scientific method) to understand the phenomenas of what evolution theory talked about.
Thus my conclusion is ‘Evolutionary theory’ is the better one at least because it could be argue against, and we can use this framework to build more powerful explanation; as compare to Creationism which can never be objectively falsify. Notice there is a philosophical bias toward intellectualism: Those which allow we to think and argue must be better than those doesn’t allow to think. Why must this be right?
What is the internal validity of Philosophy?
I remember one line of the philosophical inquiry into the perception process like this: By the logic that a perceiver must be separated from perceived, therefore there must exist ‘little man’ who observe what we observe in our brain. But then how does these ‘little man’ know what they observing? Then it require a little man inside another little man’s brain. We can easily see how this lead to an absurd conclusion. So the conclusion is either perception is logically impossible or there is something wrong with this picture, likely its hidden assumption.
I prefer the later since there are obvious logically error with the picture: Why must perceiver must be separated from perceived? Why can’t perceiver also perceiving itself? Where does this notion that perceiver must be separated from perceived, which sounds so natural to us, come from?
I am not interested to dwell into the actual psychological history of this idea. I only think it is very likely it is coming from the logical rule of our mind rather than fact of physical reality. It has everything to do with the habit of our mind to separate the perceiver and separated in our Cognitive process. Thus it is natural to infer from this logic that there must be some mechanism to observe what is observed, since it is assumed that the observer itself has no explanatory power. Observation is obviously different from the process of understanding, therefore we habitually separate them into two categories. It thus follows that there must be two set of brain cells devoted to two different neurological process, since in our mind it is ‘natural’ to place one category in one slot.(Against the Pigeonhole Principle in Discrete Mathematics.) When one set of brain cell is responsible for observation, then another set of brain cell must be responsible for analyze it. How logical is it to infer the process in Physical space from the bias inherent in our Cognitive Process in Psychological Space?
This, I see it as the example of the issue in Philosophical reasoning. If only we can obliterate all assumption then we can arrive at the best understanding of the world, otherwise we may think we are analyzing the world objectively while we are subtly biased in one way or another.
I prefer the later since there are obvious logically error with the picture: Why must perceiver must be separated from perceived? Why can’t perceiver also perceiving itself? Where does this notion that perceiver must be separated from perceived, which sounds so natural to us, come from?
I am not interested to dwell into the actual psychological history of this idea. I only think it is very likely it is coming from the logical rule of our mind rather than fact of physical reality. It has everything to do with the habit of our mind to separate the perceiver and separated in our Cognitive process. Thus it is natural to infer from this logic that there must be some mechanism to observe what is observed, since it is assumed that the observer itself has no explanatory power. Observation is obviously different from the process of understanding, therefore we habitually separate them into two categories. It thus follows that there must be two set of brain cells devoted to two different neurological process, since in our mind it is ‘natural’ to place one category in one slot.(Against the Pigeonhole Principle in Discrete Mathematics.) When one set of brain cell is responsible for observation, then another set of brain cell must be responsible for analyze it. How logical is it to infer the process in Physical space from the bias inherent in our Cognitive Process in Psychological Space?
This, I see it as the example of the issue in Philosophical reasoning. If only we can obliterate all assumption then we can arrive at the best understanding of the world, otherwise we may think we are analyzing the world objectively while we are subtly biased in one way or another.
何秀蘭與林忌的爭論:價值和方法的分歧
何秀蘭: 環保不是在考慮完所有其他因素之後再考慮的因素,而是以綠色思維去全局性的解決港島的塞車問題,興建公路不是唯一的解決問題思路;
林忌: 環保只是在考慮完所有其他因素如經濟、民生之後再額外考慮的因素,可重可輕,視乎情況。港島的塞車問題只可以見招拆招,沒有全局的解決方法,興建公路繞道是唯一的解決問題的思路。
高下立見!
(例如以下是一個解決超速問題的新方法/思路,可供參考!)
林忌: 環保只是在考慮完所有其他因素如經濟、民生之後再額外考慮的因素,可重可輕,視乎情況。港島的塞車問題只可以見招拆招,沒有全局的解決方法,興建公路繞道是唯一的解決問題的思路。
高下立見!
(例如以下是一個解決超速問題的新方法/思路,可供參考!)
The thought of the idea of Prophecy
I had the benefit of born in cultures which heavily influenced by Buddhist Philosophy, therefore my inquiry into the idea of Prophecy has an headstart compare to people in non-Buddhist culture. To have a coherent world and to be logical, Prophecy is a special information object that doesn’t disrupt the original chain of causality(which it assume there is only one world but not many exists parallel to each other.) So we can likewise identify information object which has such a special property,
The logics are actually very simple:
A. There is only one future,
B. Prophecy allow an information travel backward from future to now,
If Prophecy can change future, then it follow that the Prophecy itself is either invalid, or at worst, it destroy the chain of causality which lead to the existence of Prophecy itself. Since neither is allowed to exists logically, then it follows that Prophecy is a self-servicing information object which seeds its only existence, or at least it always produce an effect that will not destroy the chain of causality lead to formation of itself. In other words, Prophecy is something never change the future.
The logics are actually very simple:
A. There is only one future,
B. Prophecy allow an information travel backward from future to now,
If Prophecy can change future, then it follow that the Prophecy itself is either invalid, or at worst, it destroy the chain of causality which lead to the existence of Prophecy itself. Since neither is allowed to exists logically, then it follows that Prophecy is a self-servicing information object which seeds its only existence, or at least it always produce an effect that will not destroy the chain of causality lead to formation of itself. In other words, Prophecy is something never change the future.
2008年9月7日 星期日
轉載:捍衛社會公義,拒絕票站調查!
(轉載自: http://atheistdemo.wordpress.com/2008/09/07/%e6%8d%8d%e8%a1%9b%e7%a4%be%e6%9c%83%e5%85%ac%e7%be%a9%e6%8b%92%e7%b5%95%e7%a5%a8%e7%ab%99%e8%aa%bf%e6%9f%a5/)
請各位支持公正公平的選舉,不要向票站調查員提供任何真實的投票意向,無論你是否支持泛民主派,但你一定要支持真正反映民意的選舉,令中共的魔掌原形畢露,即只可以在投票站內做手腳!
請各位支持公正公平的選舉,不要向票站調查員提供任何真實的投票意向,無論你是否支持泛民主派,但你一定要支持真正反映民意的選舉,令中共的魔掌原形畢露,即只可以在投票站內做手腳!
2008年9月6日 星期六
Freud’s naive assertion: The impossibility of neurological correlate of Freudian psychological model
I remember when I was first expose to then fantasized by Freud conceptual model of human mind, the obsession is no less than jumping in love with someone. But as the passion recede I begin to see theoretical issues in his framework, what really repel me is his tendency to mechanization of human mind by suggest that maybe we should look for neurological correlate of Id, Ego and Superego. How on earth is he thinking?
For me, psychological world is an abstract representation of the biological functioning of brain in coordination with other organ. I admire his heroic effort to put the human body and biology back to where it suppose be, but psychology is different from biology. They must be distinct disciple of empirical research
. As anyone could imagine: the operation of something must be somewhat different from the structure of something, granted the assumption that psychology is nothing but operation of brain. What Freud is studying is how the psychology in operation, it would difficult in logic to reverse engine what biological structure lies behind the operation of psychology. There are really many ways to abstracting the mind, Freudian framework is just one out of many. How on Earth must he think that is the only valid way(so the correspondence with neurological structure implies)?
What happen if we push this idea to its limit: Id, Ego and Superego are three functionally distinct neurological structures. That means there are some brain damages/disease/condition which would weaken one but not another; that would be an interesting observation if it corresponding to observation by medical doctors Since Id, Ego and Superego are built in process of socialization, it follows that socialization process would alter the structure and functioning of human brain; so do psychoanalysis. Beside, since our psychological process is almost a reflection of biological process of the brain, that would be really amazing that human civilization could advance as much as we seen today!
The core difference between me and Freud is: I see thinking/emotion more as a process that represent advance usage of neurological structure, which is why human could be seen as a step forward in evolution that layers of flexibility is what give human freedom its essence. In Freud’s mind, human is mechanical and deterministic, which is yet to be demonstrate.
For me, psychological world is an abstract representation of the biological functioning of brain in coordination with other organ. I admire his heroic effort to put the human body and biology back to where it suppose be, but psychology is different from biology. They must be distinct disciple of empirical research
. As anyone could imagine: the operation of something must be somewhat different from the structure of something, granted the assumption that psychology is nothing but operation of brain. What Freud is studying is how the psychology in operation, it would difficult in logic to reverse engine what biological structure lies behind the operation of psychology. There are really many ways to abstracting the mind, Freudian framework is just one out of many. How on Earth must he think that is the only valid way(so the correspondence with neurological structure implies)?
What happen if we push this idea to its limit: Id, Ego and Superego are three functionally distinct neurological structures. That means there are some brain damages/disease/condition which would weaken one but not another; that would be an interesting observation if it corresponding to observation by medical doctors Since Id, Ego and Superego are built in process of socialization, it follows that socialization process would alter the structure and functioning of human brain; so do psychoanalysis. Beside, since our psychological process is almost a reflection of biological process of the brain, that would be really amazing that human civilization could advance as much as we seen today!
The core difference between me and Freud is: I see thinking/emotion more as a process that represent advance usage of neurological structure, which is why human could be seen as a step forward in evolution that layers of flexibility is what give human freedom its essence. In Freud’s mind, human is mechanical and deterministic, which is yet to be demonstrate.
世俗主義在香港的兩個面向
在香港,近9成的人都可以籠統被歸類為世俗主義者,如何分類:很簡單,你問他/她的宗教信仰,他/她會回答你說:沒有特定的信仰。這和在西方常見的有神論 /無神論分野不同,在世俗主義文化生活已久的香港人,習慣了不對「宗教內」的事情表達意見;雖然有信仰的人卻不會怎分什麼是宗教內和宗教外的問題,宗教是一種生活方式,最多可以做的是不強迫他人相信你的宗教,但不可能事事以宗教/世俗來分野。
而令宗教在香港產生巨大的吸引力的,是香港奉行世俗主義者中另一些我不太認同的假設,它和平庸主義、功利主義和犬儒主義似乎是掛了勾。某些世俗主義者不以為世上有不犯錯的聖人,沒有在道德上是完美的,因此每個人便不用追求道德上的無暇,既然道德上無聖人,行為/思想亦不用完美,進而嘲笑這些在生活上/思想上追求完美的人,成為犬儒主義者,亦因此人人都是差不多的。因為他們以為世上沒有神聖的東西,或是終極的價值,因此所有人只應追求所有人都看得到,及所有人都以為是值得追求的,既然無聖人,自然亦不會有智者,因此我的想法不可能比其他人更真,我不可能比其他人聰明,變成平庸主義者。以此來論,理想主義本身是荒謬的,因為世上根本沒有理想的事業、沒有理想的愛情、更不會有理想的世界,把一生都放在不存在的東西上面,會不會是和宗教者追逐天堂一樣無聊和無意義呢?因此世俗主義者只追求看得的,凡是理想都是太遙遠了,因此香港成了一個失去理想的憧憬、對未來的熱情的社會,因為再多十年、廿年、百年,世界不會有本質的分別!
(這當然和香港政治現況有關,另文再談。)
而令宗教在香港產生巨大的吸引力的,是香港奉行世俗主義者中另一些我不太認同的假設,它和平庸主義、功利主義和犬儒主義似乎是掛了勾。某些世俗主義者不以為世上有不犯錯的聖人,沒有在道德上是完美的,因此每個人便不用追求道德上的無暇,既然道德上無聖人,行為/思想亦不用完美,進而嘲笑這些在生活上/思想上追求完美的人,成為犬儒主義者,亦因此人人都是差不多的。因為他們以為世上沒有神聖的東西,或是終極的價值,因此所有人只應追求所有人都看得到,及所有人都以為是值得追求的,既然無聖人,自然亦不會有智者,因此我的想法不可能比其他人更真,我不可能比其他人聰明,變成平庸主義者。以此來論,理想主義本身是荒謬的,因為世上根本沒有理想的事業、沒有理想的愛情、更不會有理想的世界,把一生都放在不存在的東西上面,會不會是和宗教者追逐天堂一樣無聊和無意義呢?因此世俗主義者只追求看得的,凡是理想都是太遙遠了,因此香港成了一個失去理想的憧憬、對未來的熱情的社會,因為再多十年、廿年、百年,世界不會有本質的分別!
(這當然和香港政治現況有關,另文再談。)
殘症人士奧運會:中共真的傷健同樂,社會共融?
我在「環保的北京奧運」中,曾經針貶了中共國的所謂綠色奧運根本是一派胡言,想不到自詡為知識份子良心、公信第一的明報,懂得嘲笑美國傳媒為了入侵伊拉克自圓其說,而把鏡頭只局限於撒達娒廣場的一小撮的異見份子,而不去問一般伊拉克人的感受;在北京奧運一事,明知環保的慨念一定需由整體/全局的角度出發,但是明報社論只把鏡頭對準中共用作向外示範的北京市,而完全忽略了所謂綠色奧運對全中共國各省各市,及低下階層生活的影響。連最明顯的一百多萬義工用什麼交通工具進北京,過程中製造了幾多噸的溫室氣體、空氣污染?還沒有算一百多萬義工在北京會不會每天產生幾多公噸垃圾?而中共定是在數千萬人中挑選出這些義工,過程又有幾環保、幾公平,製造了幾多噸的溫室氣體、空氣污染?而這一百多萬義工回家時, 製造了幾多噸的溫室氣體、空氣污染?中共獎勵他們時,又製造了幾多噸的溫室氣體、空氣污染?傳送奧運火炬時,勞師動衆,唯恐世上無人不知,無人不曉,在過程又製造了幾多不必要的溫室氣體、空氣污染?明報的知識份子良心,去了哪裏?
套用中共為自己開創的「局部勝全局」思維,中共說奧運是綠色,(在北京城以內)自然就是綠色奧運,因此,如今中共再辨殘症人士奧運會,顧名思義,自然代表中共國在(在北京城中舉辦殘症人士奧運會時),中共國(在北京城中)真的傷健同樂的和諧社會了。明報在報導時,當然可以忽略括號中的時間(舉辦殘症人士奧運會)、地點(北京城)、人物(參與殘症人士奧運會的中外健兒),讓香港人以為中共對待傷健人士一向都是一流的;而以在北京奧運拍中共馬屁聞名的無線,自然是「血脈沸騰、身為中國人很嬌傲、中(共)國真的是傷健同樂的和諧社會」,兩者只差未把余秋雨大師的「在中共國,仲做傷健人仕,也幸福」宣之於口而已。
話說回來,在以最低標準來看,環保最低程度亦真是中共的國策,最勉強可以說成中共的專制官僚不懂如何去真正的環保,想而有心無力;但是利用殘症人士奧運會把中共說成中(共)國真的傷健同樂,社會共融;這個謊也未免撤得太離譜了嗎?正常人用常識去想一想,是不是全中國的城市都是達到無障城市的標準,我已經不談中共國全國了,及不及得上香港;另外,你看深圳滿街都是愛滋病人,傷健人仕的基本生活保障又如何呢?中共國有沒有像香港一樣的平等機會組織保護傷健人仕的各種權益,還是隨隨便便一份工作都可以在招聘廣告上聲明只要俊男美女?另外,如果中共真的是尊重傷健人仕的話,北京奧運時在北京為什麼一個傷健人仕都不見,反是個個都貌美如花,身體健全呢?而中共的各級政府/黨組織中,有沒有一定比例的傷健人仕作成員呢?而中共的各級政府/黨組織中,有沒有代表傷健人仕的組織、委員會呢?
依此邏緝,香港的馬屁精無線電視,反智的明報大慨會以為觀衆真的會相信,中共只要再辦國際文化比賽,則中共國是世界文化之首;中共只要再辦國際棋藝比賽,則中共的民智是世界前列;中共只要再辦世界華人發明比賽,則中共國是世界上最有創意的國家;中共只要再辦窮人奧運,則中共國是窮人天堂;中共只要再辦同性戀奧運,則中共國是不同性向者的天堂。大凡是社會問題,中共只要搞個「運動」會就可以消失,則中共國頓成人間樂士!
套用中共為自己開創的「局部勝全局」思維,中共說奧運是綠色,(在北京城以內)自然就是綠色奧運,因此,如今中共再辨殘症人士奧運會,顧名思義,自然代表中共國在(在北京城中舉辦殘症人士奧運會時),中共國(在北京城中)真的傷健同樂的和諧社會了。明報在報導時,當然可以忽略括號中的時間(舉辦殘症人士奧運會)、地點(北京城)、人物(參與殘症人士奧運會的中外健兒),讓香港人以為中共對待傷健人士一向都是一流的;而以在北京奧運拍中共馬屁聞名的無線,自然是「血脈沸騰、身為中國人很嬌傲、中(共)國真的是傷健同樂的和諧社會」,兩者只差未把余秋雨大師的「在中共國,仲做傷健人仕,也幸福」宣之於口而已。
話說回來,在以最低標準來看,環保最低程度亦真是中共的國策,最勉強可以說成中共的專制官僚不懂如何去真正的環保,想而有心無力;但是利用殘症人士奧運會把中共說成中(共)國真的傷健同樂,社會共融;這個謊也未免撤得太離譜了嗎?正常人用常識去想一想,是不是全中國的城市都是達到無障城市的標準,我已經不談中共國全國了,及不及得上香港;另外,你看深圳滿街都是愛滋病人,傷健人仕的基本生活保障又如何呢?中共國有沒有像香港一樣的平等機會組織保護傷健人仕的各種權益,還是隨隨便便一份工作都可以在招聘廣告上聲明只要俊男美女?另外,如果中共真的是尊重傷健人仕的話,北京奧運時在北京為什麼一個傷健人仕都不見,反是個個都貌美如花,身體健全呢?而中共的各級政府/黨組織中,有沒有一定比例的傷健人仕作成員呢?而中共的各級政府/黨組織中,有沒有代表傷健人仕的組織、委員會呢?
依此邏緝,香港的馬屁精無線電視,反智的明報大慨會以為觀衆真的會相信,中共只要再辦國際文化比賽,則中共國是世界文化之首;中共只要再辦國際棋藝比賽,則中共的民智是世界前列;中共只要再辦世界華人發明比賽,則中共國是世界上最有創意的國家;中共只要再辦窮人奧運,則中共國是窮人天堂;中共只要再辦同性戀奧運,則中共國是不同性向者的天堂。大凡是社會問題,中共只要搞個「運動」會就可以消失,則中共國頓成人間樂士!
2008年9月5日 星期五
Why Euler's Coil must have 4 coils as minimum?
That is for two ‘waves’ from the source electromagnetic coil to be merge in each electromagnetic coils, which may produce an effect similar to that of Parallel Path Effect.
The silly original of Antisemitism
I can’t really believe my ears when my Psychology Professor talk about the root cause of Antisemitism in USA. One hint is those who are antisemitic are often deeply devout to Protestantism or Catholicism. Judaism, by definition, denies the validity of the foundation of Christianity, which Jesus is merely seen as a prophet but not messiah or God incarnated. Moreover, Jesus Christ is tortured and killed by Jews which see him as man pretending to be God. Then added to the trouble is Israel is the most restricted country for Christian missionary, maybe more so than Muslim countries. Plus the monopoly of several industry sector in USA by Jews.
We can perhaps see how naive and silly is American mindset. They appears to apply the following logic:
Kill/Torture Jesus Christ=Bad,
Jews do the Kill/Torture,
Jews is bad people.
They seems to forgot that without the hideous treatment and suffering of this Jew. How could Christianity be formed otherwise? How would Christian from all of the world to identify him as the saint without suffer the greatest hardship?
We can perhaps see how naive and silly is American mindset. They appears to apply the following logic:
Kill/Torture Jesus Christ=Bad,
Jews do the Kill/Torture,
Jews is bad people.
They seems to forgot that without the hideous treatment and suffering of this Jew. How could Christianity be formed otherwise? How would Christian from all of the world to identify him as the saint without suffer the greatest hardship?
The nature of Prophecy
My idea of prophecy is somewhat differ from the common definition. IN my opinion, prophecy is not itself passively predict what is happening in future, rather it is structure in such a way, when revealed, that would concatenate the existing tendencies toward a future as predicted. Prophecy could thus consider an active shaper of history rather than just waiting to be compared with result. Therefore those prophecies that are never revealed is pointless, and is doubtful of their accuracy.
So prophecy, in a sense, is how the future affect the present in such a way to instantiate itself. And it should consider to be more than merely information, because it also contain an psychological effect on the reader, thus it could seen as a self-recursive loop much like the universe.
I don't believe in the assumption that any n instance of possible outcome must share equal probability. Nature is seldom that fair, and it often biased toward certain direction of development in subtle ways. Those, we could theoretically separate the real prophecy from other ‘false’ prophecy by comparing the process which they come to realize themselves through existing social-political structure through possible reader. We could examine through the route of how prophecy realize itself.
For a superficial instance, there are prophecy talking about Communist China become the most powerful country in the world, and there are those who talk the exactly opposite way. We could thus examine the validity through its effect on the reader. Assume what Communist China lack at the time of surfacing of this prophecy is just morale and self-confidence, then this prophecy has higher chance to be realize than sooth-saying ones via itself psychological effect. On the other hand, if what Communist China now is suffering from delusion of grandeur, overconfidence and arrogance at the moment it appears, then this prophecy meme has lower chance of materialize itself since it harm its own cause . From this understanding, I consider the prophecy of ‘Doomsday for Communist China’ has more chance to be realized.
So prophecy, in a sense, is how the future affect the present in such a way to instantiate itself. And it should consider to be more than merely information, because it also contain an psychological effect on the reader, thus it could seen as a self-recursive loop much like the universe.
I don't believe in the assumption that any n instance of possible outcome must share equal probability. Nature is seldom that fair, and it often biased toward certain direction of development in subtle ways. Those, we could theoretically separate the real prophecy from other ‘false’ prophecy by comparing the process which they come to realize themselves through existing social-political structure through possible reader. We could examine through the route of how prophecy realize itself.
For a superficial instance, there are prophecy talking about Communist China become the most powerful country in the world, and there are those who talk the exactly opposite way. We could thus examine the validity through its effect on the reader. Assume what Communist China lack at the time of surfacing of this prophecy is just morale and self-confidence, then this prophecy has higher chance to be realize than sooth-saying ones via itself psychological effect. On the other hand, if what Communist China now is suffering from delusion of grandeur, overconfidence and arrogance at the moment it appears, then this prophecy meme has lower chance of materialize itself since it harm its own cause . From this understanding, I consider the prophecy of ‘Doomsday for Communist China’ has more chance to be realized.
My commentary on an Overunity Generator design
While I was studying those designs here, I discover there are fatal technicalities that the inventor may have overlooked. Namely, that we can NOT directly connect electromagnetic coil from the magnet of lower layer, otherwise there will be situations which the Back EMF from one layer cancel the EMF produced by retardation effect of coil wired on magnet, therefore create an unnecessary constraint on the timing of rotation of layer. My suggestion is to use capacitor and electrical circuit as a buffer to store the electrical energy produce by retardation of magnet of lower layer, and then it would only magnetize the upper layer’s electromagnetic oil at suitable time.
2008年9月4日 星期四
北京奧運是世界未日的序幕
1. 如果可阻止北京奧運發生,四未日天使之一「戰爭」不會被釋放出來;雖然油管之爭亦是一定發生,西方和俄羅斯因語言、文化的心結仍在,但沒有奧運的停戰令作掩飾,喬治亞不會夠膽向北奧塞亞出兵。同時,如果不是由以假代真聞名天下,不受西方尊重的中共來舉行,喬治亞在心理上不太可能違反奧運的停戰令。
2. 因為北京奧運,中共國忽略了全國的環境保護,結果依據大紀元消息,舉辦奧運城市爆發傳染病的消息被掩蓋。可幸的是好像不是太多外國遊客(?)去看奧運,但瘟疫可能因此散播到全世界,中共國的環境保護問題,變成全球問題。環境保護問題為副,政治問題才是元凶,世界明知中共的內外問題,但為了錢照來不誤,是自作孽。
3. 因為北京奧運,曾蔭權無暇理香港大事,結果副部長+梁展文+(?)連中三元。他為了獻媚可能斷送自己的政治前途。
4. 因為北京奧運,中共勞民傷財,傷及元氣,回天乏術,又因不理天時地利,結果賠了大本(中共內部文件指全國總成本為12000億:100萬義工留在北京損失的生產值、人民戰爭式保安的花費、工廠停工、北京不少商業活動被停止、武警公安駐防的工錢、各項環保措施造成的經濟損失及六個奧運城市人口外流的經濟損失,不包括東海油田及美國房按)。中共國今年天災連連,大型民變數起(楊佳案),經濟又是有史以來最差的一年,天氣署熱,而所謂北京奧運的經濟成果只會加劇社會的積怨,為了北京奧運又要開放網外境站,遲一點又有被煽動的黑客作反,中共要捱過今年是要超級好運的事來沖喜,歡笑今宵散場以後怎麼辦?很奇怪,我曾算出來的中共滅亡日期居然有2個,錯的一個簡直好像是亂來的,唔通錯有錯着?
5. 北京奧運聖火傳送全世界的象徵意義,雖名叫祥雲火炬.但是一來所到之處無一是晴天,二來火炬背後的中共國今年天災人禍連連,可謂相當不祥,三來火炬本身無故熄滅之次數破了世界紀錄,並非吉兆,四來上屆火炬交接儀式前,半個希臘都陷於火海,亦非祥端,五來中共最喜用紅色,火炬本身是火氣旺盛,而所到之處均是愛國憤青以紅色旗海迎接,甚至連香港亦不例外,鮮紅色難免令人聯想到血流成河,而火代表戰爭、暴動和不安。合起來的意思就是因為西方世界失去道德,結果世界被北京奧運引發的火焰包圍,四處都是戰爭、暴動和不安。從心理學的角度去看,北京奧運聖火在整個國際政治、經濟、社會情況下,在人類集體潛意識中引發出不安、燥動和攻擊性,加上世界本身陷於的能源危機、溫室效應、通脹、恐佈主義威脅的處境,加快了人類文明的毀滅過程。
2. 因為北京奧運,中共國忽略了全國的環境保護,結果依據大紀元消息,舉辦奧運城市爆發傳染病的消息被掩蓋。可幸的是好像不是太多外國遊客(?)去看奧運,但瘟疫可能因此散播到全世界,中共國的環境保護問題,變成全球問題。環境保護問題為副,政治問題才是元凶,世界明知中共的內外問題,但為了錢照來不誤,是自作孽。
3. 因為北京奧運,曾蔭權無暇理香港大事,結果副部長+梁展文+(?)連中三元。他為了獻媚可能斷送自己的政治前途。
4. 因為北京奧運,中共勞民傷財,傷及元氣,回天乏術,又因不理天時地利,結果賠了大本(中共內部文件指全國總成本為12000億:100萬義工留在北京損失的生產值、人民戰爭式保安的花費、工廠停工、北京不少商業活動被停止、武警公安駐防的工錢、各項環保措施造成的經濟損失及六個奧運城市人口外流的經濟損失,不包括東海油田及美國房按)。中共國今年天災連連,大型民變數起(楊佳案),經濟又是有史以來最差的一年,天氣署熱,而所謂北京奧運的經濟成果只會加劇社會的積怨,為了北京奧運又要開放網外境站,遲一點又有被煽動的黑客作反,中共要捱過今年是要超級好運的事來沖喜,歡笑今宵散場以後怎麼辦?很奇怪,我曾算出來的中共滅亡日期居然有2個,錯的一個簡直好像是亂來的,唔通錯有錯着?
5. 北京奧運聖火傳送全世界的象徵意義,雖名叫祥雲火炬.但是一來所到之處無一是晴天,二來火炬背後的中共國今年天災人禍連連,可謂相當不祥,三來火炬本身無故熄滅之次數破了世界紀錄,並非吉兆,四來上屆火炬交接儀式前,半個希臘都陷於火海,亦非祥端,五來中共最喜用紅色,火炬本身是火氣旺盛,而所到之處均是愛國憤青以紅色旗海迎接,甚至連香港亦不例外,鮮紅色難免令人聯想到血流成河,而火代表戰爭、暴動和不安。合起來的意思就是因為西方世界失去道德,結果世界被北京奧運引發的火焰包圍,四處都是戰爭、暴動和不安。從心理學的角度去看,北京奧運聖火在整個國際政治、經濟、社會情況下,在人類集體潛意識中引發出不安、燥動和攻擊性,加上世界本身陷於的能源危機、溫室效應、通脹、恐佈主義威脅的處境,加快了人類文明的毀滅過程。
My extention of this Prophecy
My father’s thought on this prophecy:
1. Obama win the US election;
2. White supremacist group assassinate Obama;
3. The assassin is caught but release, Africa American charge US government for conspiracy;
4. Some Black dominated States seeking independence from USA, Federal Court denies, those States taking up arms.
5. Civil War in USA!
1. Obama win the US election;
2. White supremacist group assassinate Obama;
3. The assassin is caught but release, Africa American charge US government for conspiracy;
4. Some Black dominated States seeking independence from USA, Federal Court denies, those States taking up arms.
5. Civil War in USA!
2008年9月3日 星期三
Prophecy, Signs and Interpretation of a vision
In according to my vision 16 years ago during my meditation, the following is my interpretation of it.
1. Christianity in the existing form is fundamentally wrong, it contradict with the laws of supernatural.
2. There will be an end of world within my generation, to prepare the way for New Age.
3. WWIII will happen before the change, absolutely terrible.
4. Before New Age comes, there will be War, Famine, Chaos, Disease.
5. Energy is infinite in its amount, and it is everywhere.
6. I am an agent and massager for this change, yet I am not messiah, I can only help those who want to help themselves to accept this change.
7. After this change, I will lost this pre-cognitive ability.
8. The change will arrive in an unanticipated way and in a form unable to predict by existing common-sense or science.
I see Beijing Olympic is the sign which this prophecy is fulfilled. By cooperating with the evil Chinese Communist Party the Western world has blood on their hands. The Olympic torch is in the color red, symbolize blood and war. Since it traveled around the global, that symbolize bloodshed and war will spread around the global which Beijing Olympic is the root cause. There will not be an Olympic Games in the future due to this causation.
How 4 is fulfilled:
War between Russia and Georgia has brought out the first day in Beijing Olympic. Oil and energy crisis is the underlying cause, but the hostility base on difference of culture and language between Western Europe and Russia is also the cause, and also because Communist China is notorious for its disrespect for honesty and truth, therefore Georgia will not honor the Olympic Pact.
Communist China is what brought this Age into the final chapter, and one sign of New Age would be the dismantle of Chinese Communist Party. It is the root cause of evil in this Age!
1. Christianity in the existing form is fundamentally wrong, it contradict with the laws of supernatural.
2. There will be an end of world within my generation, to prepare the way for New Age.
3. WWIII will happen before the change, absolutely terrible.
4. Before New Age comes, there will be War, Famine, Chaos, Disease.
5. Energy is infinite in its amount, and it is everywhere.
6. I am an agent and massager for this change, yet I am not messiah, I can only help those who want to help themselves to accept this change.
7. After this change, I will lost this pre-cognitive ability.
8. The change will arrive in an unanticipated way and in a form unable to predict by existing common-sense or science.
I see Beijing Olympic is the sign which this prophecy is fulfilled. By cooperating with the evil Chinese Communist Party the Western world has blood on their hands. The Olympic torch is in the color red, symbolize blood and war. Since it traveled around the global, that symbolize bloodshed and war will spread around the global which Beijing Olympic is the root cause. There will not be an Olympic Games in the future due to this causation.
How 4 is fulfilled:
War between Russia and Georgia has brought out the first day in Beijing Olympic. Oil and energy crisis is the underlying cause, but the hostility base on difference of culture and language between Western Europe and Russia is also the cause, and also because Communist China is notorious for its disrespect for honesty and truth, therefore Georgia will not honor the Olympic Pact.
Communist China is what brought this Age into the final chapter, and one sign of New Age would be the dismantle of Chinese Communist Party. It is the root cause of evil in this Age!
2008年8月31日 星期日
Schizophrenia and the naive hypothesis
Schizophrenia is the only class I ever missed in my study of Psychology, that has deprive me the question that I harbor in my mind since I meet this term: How is hallucination different from dreaming? How could we define clearly and precisely that schizophrenics are indeed making up/distorting the physical reality in their mind, since it is commonly understood it as ‘hear voice/sounds’?
Only until recently I found a better expression of my speculation which is against the naive hypothesis in neurology. Naive hypothesis assume that the brain just interpret the neuron signal triggered by outside stimulates, so the process of perception could be seen under a ‘coding and decoding’ framework. However, other than lack of research support, it also suffer a serious bout in face of phenomena like False arm and Somatization disorder. In the former case. the brain create sensation in the body parts that no longer exists; while in the latter case, the brain create sensation which couldn’t be traced back to any known physical and biological cause. Thus, it appears that the brain doesn’t just interpret like what most Cognitive Psychology textbook would tell, it is actively and continuously formulate hypothesis about the environment and situation the human body is in. Schizophrenia, just like False arm and Somatization disorder, is where the case which this hypothesizing process fail to provide an ‘adaptive’ response as seen by the general public. It maybe more a mystery as to why our brain is capable of capture the essence of what it take to adapt to the life so well, and why the hypothesis we formulate as different individual looks so similar to each other?
At that time, I am about to push the envelop further as to whether there exists a reality that is common to all of us, or is that illusion create by the adaptive needs of our brains? How is the reality of non-Schizophrenics more real than Schizophrenics? Can anyone prove that?
Only until recently I found a better expression of my speculation which is against the naive hypothesis in neurology. Naive hypothesis assume that the brain just interpret the neuron signal triggered by outside stimulates, so the process of perception could be seen under a ‘coding and decoding’ framework. However, other than lack of research support, it also suffer a serious bout in face of phenomena like False arm and Somatization disorder. In the former case. the brain create sensation in the body parts that no longer exists; while in the latter case, the brain create sensation which couldn’t be traced back to any known physical and biological cause. Thus, it appears that the brain doesn’t just interpret like what most Cognitive Psychology textbook would tell, it is actively and continuously formulate hypothesis about the environment and situation the human body is in. Schizophrenia, just like False arm and Somatization disorder, is where the case which this hypothesizing process fail to provide an ‘adaptive’ response as seen by the general public. It maybe more a mystery as to why our brain is capable of capture the essence of what it take to adapt to the life so well, and why the hypothesis we formulate as different individual looks so similar to each other?
At that time, I am about to push the envelop further as to whether there exists a reality that is common to all of us, or is that illusion create by the adaptive needs of our brains? How is the reality of non-Schizophrenics more real than Schizophrenics? Can anyone prove that?
2008年8月27日 星期三
My commentary on this Prophecy
http://astrology.fightclub.com.pk/text/t-107643-p-1.html
1. Indeed a netizen from US joking about CA seeking independence when Bush is elected by slight majority. N.Y is famous for its liberalism, Texas being conservative. Does each election bridge the difference between left and right, or widening it? Or maybe Bush has done so much damage to the reputation of democratic system in US? Or combination of two?
2. Conditional. If 1 is false then 2 can’t be disprove. I can imagine different state seeking independence, but what kind of dispute can’t be resolve by American tradition: Court Battles(Land, oil, natural resource)? Why wage war? Over what?
*3. Indeterminable until today. But this 2008 Olympic break all the record on all kind of complain, the activist does not rest even after Olympic.
4. Have to wait until 2015. Conditional upon 2.
5. We already see Russia invade Georgia, and refuse to leave. The reason that cold war never disappear is for the sake of oil. Politically, how does Putin maintain his popularity in oligarchy of Russia? Russian don’t like to be a weak country after years of glory. Like China, the transition to capitalism only increase the difference between rich and poor, decrease the stability of nation. Because unlike Eastern European countries, Russia has little history of a functional democracy, and capitalism make us all slave to money.
6. In quantum mechanic, yes. The untested theory is here, but of no practical usage.
7. Conditional upon 4.
8. Remind me the movie ‘The Day after tomorrow’, conditional upon 7.
9. Look at youtube, it is already part of daily life. Even I have a youtube account. The rise of New Age is already observed. As science progress, the emptiness of humanity would only increase.
* According to my source in China, Beijing Olympic is extremely damaging to the rule of Chinese Communist Party, spending 62.5 billion dollar in the middle of recession isn't a wise decision。 Plus, rebelling organization working hard daily to destroy the legitimacy of Chinese Communist Party.
My conclusion, CCP can only last till 12/26/2008.
1. Indeed a netizen from US joking about CA seeking independence when Bush is elected by slight majority. N.Y is famous for its liberalism, Texas being conservative. Does each election bridge the difference between left and right, or widening it? Or maybe Bush has done so much damage to the reputation of democratic system in US? Or combination of two?
2. Conditional. If 1 is false then 2 can’t be disprove. I can imagine different state seeking independence, but what kind of dispute can’t be resolve by American tradition: Court Battles(Land, oil, natural resource)? Why wage war? Over what?
*3. Indeterminable until today. But this 2008 Olympic break all the record on all kind of complain, the activist does not rest even after Olympic.
4. Have to wait until 2015. Conditional upon 2.
5. We already see Russia invade Georgia, and refuse to leave. The reason that cold war never disappear is for the sake of oil. Politically, how does Putin maintain his popularity in oligarchy of Russia? Russian don’t like to be a weak country after years of glory. Like China, the transition to capitalism only increase the difference between rich and poor, decrease the stability of nation. Because unlike Eastern European countries, Russia has little history of a functional democracy, and capitalism make us all slave to money.
6. In quantum mechanic, yes. The untested theory is here, but of no practical usage.
7. Conditional upon 4.
8. Remind me the movie ‘The Day after tomorrow’, conditional upon 7.
9. Look at youtube, it is already part of daily life. Even I have a youtube account. The rise of New Age is already observed. As science progress, the emptiness of humanity would only increase.
* According to my source in China, Beijing Olympic is extremely damaging to the rule of Chinese Communist Party, spending 62.5 billion dollar in the middle of recession isn't a wise decision。 Plus, rebelling organization working hard daily to destroy the legitimacy of Chinese Communist Party.
My conclusion, CCP can only last till 12/26/2008.
2008年8月22日 星期五
An idea for today
http://eulertruthbible.wordpress.com/2008/03/03/an-experiment/
在該實驗中,如果把二個磁石都加上coil又如何?
Further, if we connect these two coils with
A. 2n個線圈又如何?
B. 2n個線圈+magnet又如何?
(n 是正整數)
Euler’s 線圈是也?
在該實驗中,如果把二個磁石都加上coil又如何?
Further, if we connect these two coils with
A. 2n個線圈又如何?
B. 2n個線圈+magnet又如何?
(n 是正整數)
Euler’s 線圈是也?
Re: An idea for today
實驗:
比較: 1.單邊Magnet+線圈 和 2.兩邊磁石+coil
似乎明白點解了。
和我的宋添發設計又有點相似—原理一樣?
宋添發用相似的原理?
1. One-sided mutual depreciation
2. Total mutual depreciation
1. As the coil vibrate in the magnetic field with the magnet, the coil would vibrate in a resonance frequency eventually. If we place a coiled-magnet, the coil in magnet would reduce the magnetic field in the magnet, setting up a mutual-destructive interference in one direction of movement, the other direction of movement is not affected.
2. Now we have both magnet having the same presumably mutual-destructive interference, the effect in 1 would be multiplied? Or something different?
比較: 1.單邊Magnet+線圈 和 2.兩邊磁石+coil
似乎明白點解了。
和我的宋添發設計又有點相似—原理一樣?
宋添發用相似的原理?
1. One-sided mutual depreciation
2. Total mutual depreciation
1. As the coil vibrate in the magnetic field with the magnet, the coil would vibrate in a resonance frequency eventually. If we place a coiled-magnet, the coil in magnet would reduce the magnetic field in the magnet, setting up a mutual-destructive interference in one direction of movement, the other direction of movement is not affected.
2. Now we have both magnet having the same presumably mutual-destructive interference, the effect in 1 would be multiplied? Or something different?
My general impression of matchmaking site
1. Why do they still exist despite the abundance of social-networking site like MySpace/FaceBook/Netlog?
2. What value they offer that other doesn’t provide?
3. I don’t like the fact they read and approve the message between members, there is little privacy guaranteed.
4. What they provide appear to me only as a place to concatenate people of similar interest, then offer a central place for IM or email, nothing that Gaim/MSN/ICQ doesn’t provide.
5. Yes, their values lies in their ‘unique’ search engine, nothing special about that. There is not a special formula specially to match the right person. Doing so will require knowledge of Psychology, which doesn’t appear to be their strength.
6. Knowing how to search is NOT equal to know how to do matchmaking.
7. Base on above, I have little incentive to pay them in order to use their advance function.
My thoughts:
1. Can we have a free matchmaking service base on P2P technology? i.e. decentralized
2. Can such service be of higher quality than existing one? Not just a giant database then search, search, search.
3. High privacy, nobody to approve what and monitor what.
4. All operated by volunteer?
2. What value they offer that other doesn’t provide?
3. I don’t like the fact they read and approve the message between members, there is little privacy guaranteed.
4. What they provide appear to me only as a place to concatenate people of similar interest, then offer a central place for IM or email, nothing that Gaim/MSN/ICQ doesn’t provide.
5. Yes, their values lies in their ‘unique’ search engine, nothing special about that. There is not a special formula specially to match the right person. Doing so will require knowledge of Psychology, which doesn’t appear to be their strength.
6. Knowing how to search is NOT equal to know how to do matchmaking.
7. Base on above, I have little incentive to pay them in order to use their advance function.
My thoughts:
1. Can we have a free matchmaking service base on P2P technology? i.e. decentralized
2. Can such service be of higher quality than existing one? Not just a giant database then search, search, search.
3. High privacy, nobody to approve what and monitor what.
4. All operated by volunteer?
2008年8月21日 星期四
轉載:以新紀元思想為基礎的泛/超宗教是中國的唯一出路
(轉載自: http://atheistdemo.wordpress.com/2008/08/21/%e4%bb%a5%e6%96%b0%e7%b4%80%e5%85%83%e6%80%9d%e6%83%b3%e7%82%ba%e5%9f%ba%e7%a4%8e%e6%b3%9b%e5%ae%97%e6%95%99%e8%b6%85%e5%ae%97%e6%95%99%e6%98%af%e4%b8%ad%e5%9c%8b%e7%9a%84%e5%94%af%e4%b8%80%e5%87%ba/)
(有同感!)
中共思想的一個核心問題是全盤否定任何形式的教義和宗教,以致它的任何行為,最後都成了虛無主義,我不以為人可以在理性之內找到終極真理,人不可能 是純理性的人。中共的問題是把自己和全中國都忽然間當成純理性的人,忽略了現代文明(機械文明)的最大問題是人和大自然的關係疏離,結果虛無主義+偽哲學/偽理性(即以為可以在理性之內找到終極真理的理性)做 成了一次次的天災人禍。人心的空虛,是社會一大問題的根源,宗教是一個暫時性的代替品,要取代宗教必須發展出一種以大自然/人類主義的超宗教,而某些基要 派無神論者一樣,卻只懂得反基督教,卻提不出比基督教更佳的代替品。我不以為中國可以再有一次心靈上的大躍進,忽然由泛神變成無神,比基要派無神論者消滅 宗教更重要的是建構一套新的泛宗教/超宗教,而新紀元思想是一個好好的題材。
轉載:夢想、現實和信仰
(轉載自: http://atheistdemo.wordpress.com/2008/08/21/%e5%a4%a2%e6%83%b3%e3%80%81%e7%8f%be%e5%af%a6%e5%92%8c%e4%bf%a1%e4%bb%b0/)
(同意!)
我的信仰很簡單:自然會戰勝非自然;中共的北京奧運是一種非自然的終極表現,由天氣到比賽過程到結果到比賽對外界的影響,中共不惜一切代價都要在它的 控制之內,絕對違反中國傳統的儒釋道精神。
雖然世上沒有一事是純天然的,但有不少事都是人類順着自然的規律來做,順理成章而不是逆水行舟,反自然當然是要 付出重的代價;為了確保好天氣,雨雲也被打散,結果是中共無法令水份消失,只是別的地方大雨成災。由此想來,之前的傳言說2004的奧運會是最後一屆是有 點幼稚,因為中共一向是不惜工本的要達到政治目的,問題是在中國如此的政治/經濟環境下,不惜工本會做成什麼樣的效 果?
反對中共統治的異見者,做到的只是透過散播不同的言論和思想來不斷的加重中共的政治/經濟代價,直至它不可以承受為止。如果說可以單憑一把口/一枝筆的力 量就可以 扳倒中共是痴人說夢,則還爭什麼2017年普選?還挑戰什麼有美國教會源源不絕的財政支援的明光社的基右霸權?泛民主派大慨可以不用選了,中共在動員全中 國的 資源來和泛民主派較量,而香港政府和9成的傳媒都站在建制這邊!
2008年8月20日 星期三
Follow up on invention: PDG by Parallel Path
This article refer to this design, there is a slight mistake, so the correct design for N-2 should be like this:
Be careful with 6 things:
1. The arrangement of magnets, you can guess it is N-S-N-S; the top magnet and bottom magnet should be the same polarity(N-N,S-S…)
2. If the volume of the IRON core within electromagnetic coil is 1, then the one in the middle should be 4.(That is the most critical part, all effect depend on this part)
3. That would be some tricks to do with rotating the rotor. Since there is iron and magnet, the rotation would NOT be smooth, it would be jerky. That would shorten the motor’s life cycle.
Do NOT use a motor DIRECTLY on the rotor, otherwise you can NOT see the Overunity effect. You need something like those in the bicycle so Motor can accelerate the rotor , but the rotor can move freely on its own.
i.e. The Rotor can move FASTER than the motor.
(If you don’t understand, say so and I will try to fetch a picture from the Internet. It is a very common device seen on bicycle so it move forward without human pedaling)
4. The longer the distance between the middle iron bar and two magnets, the weaker the Overunity effect. So it should be as close as possible.
5. Try with resistance-type loading first, induction-type later. I done many experiments with these, it usually work better on the former.
6. For testing, you can try with load connect to coils or close the circuit. The expected result should be higher than load, and the Overunity effect get BETTER. (i.e. The loading is on while the rotor is running faster and faster) Therefore if you doesn’t see a good effect with the small loading, then try with close the circuit.
Sorry, I done wrong calculation in the original proposal, I forgot that the coils would react to two magnets, i.e. the upper coil would be drag by lower magnet, and vice versa.
Because of the distance, assume it is 20%. So total drag force in N-2=2.4
also that the middle iron would interact with 2 magnet, producing net propelling force.
So total positive drag force=-4*.6*2=4.8
The net force forward=4.8-2.4=2.4
Amplification ratio= 2
(Notice that the Amplification ratio is fixed regardless of the efficiency which K.E. of magnet is ‘converted ‘to electrical energy of electromagnetic coil. I disagree with the name convert.)
Assume 8 magnet per round, and initial RPM=1,
The RPM at the last magnet of first circle= 256(if not exceed the Physical limit of Rotor)
C.O.P= Maximum physical output/initial input
With these 6 taken care of of we are good to go!!!
We call this design M-2(since there are two pair of magnet, and M refer to the name of builder.) Since the building of M-2, I am already dreaming of M-2*2 which has amplification of 16, even combining the idea from this one(Haven't know how yet…).
We can even design a car base on this, all we need is just a energy banks on the way to deposit the excessive electrical energy produced.
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